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In response to evidence documenting the scale and impact of sexual violence (SV) and domestic abuse (DA) in universities, recommend implementation of a UK based bystander programme, The Intervention Initiative (TII), as a key prevention strategy. However, a recent UK review () concluded that no studies have addressed implementation issues for university-based bystander programmes. Our study explored what is required for implementation of the TII in a UK university, rather than intervention effectiveness. The intervention was delivered to undergraduate students across three school cohorts: medicine, social work and sports coaching.

The study draws on pre- and post-intervention surveys to explore SV and DA knowledge, attitudes, and bystander skills. Focus groups or individual interviews with students (n=11) and staff facilitators (n=10) explored experiences of implementation, delivery and participation. Students reported positive changes across several areas and some evidence of immediate impact on behaviours, suggesting potential for wider implementation across university contexts. Barriers included professionalisation of the application of the bystander intervention, resistance to an underpinning gendered evidence base and a lack of diversity and relatability in programme materials.

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Violence against Women (VAW) is considered a gender-specific human rights violation and is a form of discrimination that perpetuates women’s subordination and patriarchal structures throughout all levels of society. Research continues to demonstrate that the legal instruments dealing with sexual offences in Bangladesh have significant limitations and fail to meet international standards. This article identifies gaps between Bangladeshi domestic legal instruments and international legal instruments. In order to uncover and analyse the gaps, I employed thematic analysis techniques and a feminist legal theoretical lens. The findings of the study show that there are significant gaps and limitations regarding the conceptualisation of sexual violence, trial process, medical tests, variability of punishment, and protecting rights of victims in the present Bangladeshi legal instruments in comparison to the international instruments. This research provides insight into the alarming situation of sexual violence against women in Bangladesh and the problematic gaps within legal instruments in that nation, which governmental and academic authorities must consider if they are to be effective in preventing violence against women in Bangladesh.

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Post-vaginal birth protocols frequently require women and other birthing persons to undergo rectal examinations. Protocols for these examinations, which we refer to as PVREs, vary widely, however, and there is a lack of agreement within the medical community concerning whether they are needed at all. This article explores women’s experience of PVREs in light of this ambiguity which, we argue, reflects and reproduces aspects of gendered power relations that are implicated in systemic sexual violence. We show that some women experience PVREs as sexual violence, the effects of which include guilt, self-blame, shame and sexual humiliation. Given its defining characteristics, we further argue that PVREs constitute a form of obstetric violence.

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The police, campus security, and post-secondary school officials continue to pose challenges to student survivors who require guidance and resources from their institutions after experiencing sexual violence. Recently, the provincial government of Ontario, Canada, mandated that all post-secondary institutions in Ontario adopt some form of a stand-alone sexual violence policy for their campuses. Yet, little is known about how post-secondary schools have implemented this mandate. This article explores the perspectives of individuals responsible for responding to sexual violence on campus through interviews with post-secondary school officials and police officers. We examine how they understood and discussed sexual violence responses on campus. More specifically, we examine whether these understandings draw on carceral or anti-carceral frameworks. Utilising a critical feminist anti-carceral approach, we explore ways that the current responses on campus to sexual violence are problematic.

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Anti-immigration sentiment, discrimination and hate crime, against Eastern Europeans in the UK, has increased in recent years. Prior to Brexit, European Union (EU) citizens were afforded free movement, including rights to live and work in the UK, but in 2020, those without residency status, were subject to strict immigration laws and restrictions on living and working in the UK. Research shows that punitive immigration policies have a disproportionate impact on migrant women, increasing their risk of discrimination, exploitation, and gender-based violence. However, while in 2022 the UK government ratified the Convention on Preventing and Combating Violence against Women and Domestic Violence, a treaty otherwise known as the ‘Istanbul Convention’, they opted out of Article 59, which specifically protects migrant women. Existing research into discrimination, exploitation, and gender-based violence against migrant women, in the UK, largely focuses on Black and minority ethnic (BME) women. This article reports on findings from a mixed-methods, descriptive study, on the specific experiences of Eastern European women, living in the UK. Findings explore the intersecting gendered and racial discrimination against Eastern European women, in the UK, providing a descriptive account of the distinct forms of gender-based discrimination and violence which they face.

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Feminists disagree about how best to understand and respond to gendered violence. Disagreements can be due, among other things, to the diversity of feminist perspectives and modes of organisation, different socioeconomic and political contexts, and different conceptions of the state and community. In this article, we explore grassroots feminist discourses on gendered violence in Albania and Kosovo. The two countries have been heavily impacted by gendered violence, but they are also home to a significant grassroots feminist mobilisation. Starting from images and imagination that have characterised this mobilisation, by using the photo-elicitation method, we interview feminist activists and academics about the ways in which they understand and interpret gendered violence, and the strategies and interventions they deem most relevant in addressing it. We offer a contextualised critique of feminist discourses and responses to gendered violence, while highlighting the contradictions and tensions that exist in such discourses and practices.

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The latest assault on Palestine by the Israeli occupation, beginning in early October 2023, marked another instance of colonial violence supported by the West. Through material, ideological and political support, Western political figures, media, intellectuals and civil society organisations have facilitated the decimation of Palestinian society, historically and currently. This intervention argues that Western intellectuals have an important task; to break with this history and collectively engage in crucial solidarity with the Palestinian cause of liberation from Israeli colonial occupation. By connecting and engaging with Palestinian movements and organisations at the forefront of the struggle, Western intellectuals should demand an immediate and permanent ceasefire, call for boycotting, divesting from Israeli universities and Western institutions complicit in the occupation, recognise the illegitimacy of Israeli settler colonialism, and build long-lasting relationships with Palestinian counterpart institutions.

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The NHS is now firmly positioned as a site of immigration control. As the Hostile Environment filters further into the NHS the principle of universality is increasingly disputed. As such, paradoxically, harm is reproduced through an institution which is intended to provide care. Despite the increasing breadth of recognition of the implications of charging migrants within the NHS in England, insights into specific practices within Wales are limited. Therefore, this research starts to address this paucity by providing initial insights into the extent of NHS charging within Wales.

The results from multiple freedom of information (FOI) requests sent to all seven health boards in Wales (carried out between January 2019 and August 2023) suggest that NHS treatment charging is common at scale across all health boards providing secondary care in Wales. In some instances, patients are being charged 150% of the cost of their treatment, and a significant number of patients are being incorrectly charged for care. It also appears that many patients have difficulty paying these charges, with significant outstanding invoices and many health boards resorting to using debt-collection agencies and/or payment plans in an attempt to elicit payment, and patients’ details being shared with the UK Home Office as a result.

Considering the harms which are produced through NHS charging regulations, campaigners and advocates including Patients Not Passports Wales call for charging regulations to be withdrawn from the NHS in Wales and across the UK.

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This article focuses on youth custody and the imprisonment of children. It applies an abolitionist, anti-carceral lens to exploring this injustice. In doing so the article critically explores the imprisonment of children and young people in England and Wales and the institutionalised violence to which these children are subject. It presents a case study of the youth secure estate, using document analysis focused on two recent reports of Werrington Young Offenders Institution, undertaken by the HM Inspectorate of Prisons in 2022. These reports are drawn upon to support the key critical arguments, concerning the imprisonment of children, presented within this article. Such arguments are centred on the failure of the state to afford legitimate safety and protection to children imprisoned in these institutions, and the deplorable role of the state in directly causing and perpetuating a range of harms against children, including ‘cultural, physical and institutionally structured violence’ (: 58). Finally, the article will present a framework for abolitionist alternatives to the imprisonment of children which will ultimately serve to ensure their safety and protection.

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