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Drawing on prisoners’ accounts, this article explores how mitigation strategies adopted to contain the spread of the virus in prison shaped their everyday prison life. The article, using Stauffer’s concept of ethical loneliness, sheds light on the different ways in which a sense of abandonment was experienced by 26 detained individuals interviewed in a prison in Northern Italy, with a focus on the role of the State regarding the measures implemented (and not implemented) and, on an everyday basis, those of the prison staff. Participants’ narratives tell us how, even during the dramatic emergency of the pandemic, prisoners were conceived as stigmatised and otherised individuals where the issue of security, far from being understood in terms of health protection, continued to take on repressive connotations.

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Since the 1970s, important struggles were won to improve the ‘publicness’ of gender-based violence (GBV) in Norway. Since 2000, the Ministry of Justice has coordinated policy work to combat GBV for the Norwegian government. In 2010, a Shelter Act made the provision of domestic violence shelters by local governments mandatory. This article turns to the question of how a public responsibility for GBV was established, and how dedicated public policy, legislation, funding, and services were subsequently realised. This article identifies the crucial actors, factors, and conditions that have had the greatest influence on agenda-setting, policy development and decision making in the policy cycle. Analysis is based on 22 interviews, policy analysis and previous Norwegian studies that have theorised about the success, how it came about, and the decisive factors in achieving change. Participants of this study were academics, activists, specialist service providers, politicians, lawyers, survivor-advocates, and political advisors. In exploring campaigning for change with participants, the study uncovered fault lines within gender equality and violence scholarship and public policy in Norway that may help explain why GBV is still commonplace. The article offers future directions for policy and research that reflect on these discursive exclusions and normative assumptions.

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Child- and adolescent-to-parent violence and abuse (CAPVA) has gained recognition over the past decade and, to an extent, gained momentum on the violence against women and girls (VAWG) policy agenda. However, CAPVA remains subordinate to the omnipresent problem of violence and abuse perpetrated by current and former intimate partners, as do responses to this often-hidden form of violence. This was especially apparent during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic and consequent social restrictions, when many parent victims of CAPVA faced a silent struggle of enforced proximity with their violent and/or abusive child alongside a significant drop in respite and means of support. In this article, we present research findings from a project conducted during the 2020 lockdown period in the UK, examining parents’ experiences of CAPVA and support during this period, as well as practitioners’ experiences of providing support. In addition to revealing that over two-thirds of parents reported an increase in CAPVA during the initial lockdown, our discussion highlights the need for sustained recognition and attention to be afforded to CAPVA, so that systematic, strategic, and evidence-based nationwide responses can be developed, including adequate risk assessment processes, safeguarding measures and support.

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The goal of this study is to identify the extent to which a set of risk factors from the ecological model are associated with intimate partner sexual violence victimisation in Mexico.

To achieve this goal, a structured additive probit model is applied to a dataset of 35,004 observations and 42 correlates.

Findings indicate that age at sexual initiation, women’s sexual and professional autonomy, and social connectedness are associated with their victimisation risks.

The findings provide evidence of factors that were previously unknown in Mexico or were solely based on theory but lacking empirical analysis. There are four key contributions. First, findings indicate that factors closer to the individual, such as personal experiences and interpersonal relationships, are more influential in explaining the women’s risks of IPSV victimisation. Second, significant factors were identified, including age at first sexual intercourse, autonomy in sexual and professional decision-making, and social networks. Third, it was possible to identify high-risk population subgroups that are often overlooked, such as women who had their sexual initiation during childhood. Finally, the introduction of some emerging indicators allowed for the examination of the experiences faced by women in various aspects of life, such as decision-making power and social networks.

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With the study of law’s relationship with racial justice in mind, this chapter draws on theories of antiracism and progressive lawyering to set out four principles for antiracist lawyering: reflection, creativity, collaboration, and accountability. It argues that lawyers who wish to promote racial justice should engage in reflection, should adopt creative approaches to lawyering, should collaborate, and should remain accountable to their clients.

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This concluding chapter summarizes the analysis throughout the book, drawing on the case of Shamima Begum to highlight the limits of law in the struggle for racial justice. It also considers how law has been used to advance racial justice in former colonies of the British Empire. It considers the legal case for reparations for slavery, the use of law to secure compensation for victims of racial injustices in Kenya, and the use of law to challenge the death penalty in Barbados, a vestige of colonial rule.

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The introduction draws attention to the paradoxical nature of the relationship between law and racial justice, highlighting how the law can be used to both help and hinder the struggle for racial justice. We might assume that the legal system will be allied to the idea of racial justice because it is said to be underpinned by the principles of neutrality and fairness, and there are various Acts of Parliament that appear to give effect to these principles such as the Human Rights Act 1998 and the Equality Act 2010. However, there are examples of law failing to advance racial justice and sometimes facilitating racial injustices. The Introduction sets out the central contention of this book: that there are historical, cultural, and systemic reasons for the limits of law.

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This chapter sets out some definitional and conceptual issues. It defines the term racial justice and outlines six key concepts of Critical Race Theory that underpin the analysis in the rest of the book: structural racism, the social construction of race and racism, intersectionality, interest-convergence, lived theory, and the inherent limits of legal processes. It also outlines the problems with ubiquitous terms such as BAME, equality, diversity, and inclusion.

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As the British Empire disintegrated in the aftermath of the world wars in the first half of the 1900s, immigration laws were developed which replicated the effect of colonial rule. These laws maintained the two-tiered legal system that had developed during colonial rule, ensuring that people racialized as something other than ‘White British’ were denied the full protection of the law. Yet at the same time, laws to promote good race relations were introduced, which appeared to make the legal system a tool for racial justice, rather than racial injustice. It is with this in mind that we can better understand racial injustices today, in education, criminal justice, employment, housing, and healthcare systems.

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