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Since the 1970s, important struggles were won to improve the ‘publicness’ of gender-based violence (GBV) in Norway. Since 2000, the Ministry of Justice has coordinated policy work to combat GBV for the Norwegian government. In 2010, a Shelter Act made the provision of domestic violence shelters by local governments mandatory. This article turns to the question of how a public responsibility for GBV was established, and how dedicated public policy, legislation, funding, and services were subsequently realised. This article identifies the crucial actors, factors, and conditions that have had the greatest influence on agenda-setting, policy development and decision making in the policy cycle. Analysis is based on 22 interviews, policy analysis and previous Norwegian studies that have theorised about the success, how it came about, and the decisive factors in achieving change. Participants of this study were academics, activists, specialist service providers, politicians, lawyers, survivor-advocates, and political advisors. In exploring campaigning for change with participants, the study uncovered fault lines within gender equality and violence scholarship and public policy in Norway that may help explain why GBV is still commonplace. The article offers future directions for policy and research that reflect on these discursive exclusions and normative assumptions.

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Child- and adolescent-to-parent violence and abuse (CAPVA) has gained recognition over the past decade and, to an extent, gained momentum on the violence against women and girls (VAWG) policy agenda. However, CAPVA remains subordinate to the omnipresent problem of violence and abuse perpetrated by current and former intimate partners, as do responses to this often-hidden form of violence. This was especially apparent during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic and consequent social restrictions, when many parent victims of CAPVA faced a silent struggle of enforced proximity with their violent and/or abusive child alongside a significant drop in respite and means of support. In this article, we present research findings from a project conducted during the 2020 lockdown period in the UK, examining parents’ experiences of CAPVA and support during this period, as well as practitioners’ experiences of providing support. In addition to revealing that over two-thirds of parents reported an increase in CAPVA during the initial lockdown, our discussion highlights the need for sustained recognition and attention to be afforded to CAPVA, so that systematic, strategic, and evidence-based nationwide responses can be developed, including adequate risk assessment processes, safeguarding measures and support.

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The goal of this study is to identify the extent to which a set of risk factors from the ecological model are associated with intimate partner sexual violence victimisation in Mexico.

To achieve this goal, a structured additive probit model is applied to a dataset of 35,004 observations and 42 correlates.

Findings indicate that age at sexual initiation, women’s sexual and professional autonomy, and social connectedness are associated with their victimisation risks.

The findings provide evidence of factors that were previously unknown in Mexico or were solely based on theory but lacking empirical analysis. There are four key contributions. First, findings indicate that factors closer to the individual, such as personal experiences and interpersonal relationships, are more influential in explaining the women’s risks of IPSV victimisation. Second, significant factors were identified, including age at first sexual intercourse, autonomy in sexual and professional decision-making, and social networks. Third, it was possible to identify high-risk population subgroups that are often overlooked, such as women who had their sexual initiation during childhood. Finally, the introduction of some emerging indicators allowed for the examination of the experiences faced by women in various aspects of life, such as decision-making power and social networks.

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Children’s agency and resilience within situations of domestic abuse has been the focus of recent research, with an emphasis on children’s voices to inform knowledge. This has been underpinned by a move away from the witness model of domestic abuse. This article contributes to this growing understanding of how children react, respond, and interact when living with domestic abuse.

Qualitative interviews were completed with 16 relevant professionals, and 13 adult survivors of childhood domestic abuse. The research overall was conducted through the lens of the home to provide enhanced insight into day-to-day experiences of domestic abuse. Factors associated with resilience were part of an initial research question, whereas agency emerged as a strong theme through the analysis process.

This research has demonstrated that children engage in varying degrees of agency or display behaviours associated with resilience to cope with situations of domestic abuse, prevent or stop escalation of abuse or as protection for themselves and others. This article argues that agency and resilience can occur in contexts where adults – both inside and outside the home – have not prevented children from experiencing domestic abuse and its impacts. This has been conceptualised as children operating in the context of a ‘vacuum of responsibility’.

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In response to evidence documenting the scale and impact of sexual violence (SV) and domestic abuse (DA) in universities, Universities UK (2016) recommend implementation of a UK based bystander programme, The Intervention Initiative (TII), as a key prevention strategy. However, a recent UK review (Gaffney et al, 2023) concluded that no studies have addressed implementation issues for university-based bystander programmes. Our study explored what is required for implementation of the TII in a UK university, rather than intervention effectiveness. The intervention was delivered to undergraduate students across three school cohorts: medicine, social work and sports coaching.

The study draws on pre- and post-intervention surveys to explore SV and DA knowledge, attitudes, and bystander skills. Focus groups or individual interviews with students (n=11) and staff facilitators (n=10) explored experiences of implementation, delivery and participation. Students reported positive changes across several areas and some evidence of immediate impact on behaviours, suggesting potential for wider implementation across university contexts. Barriers included professionalisation of the application of the bystander intervention, resistance to an underpinning gendered evidence base and a lack of diversity and relatability in programme materials.

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This chapter summarises Chapters 3–6 under the categories of the proposed three aspects of planning – two of which have been present, in various guises, since the start of the book – what/who matters (central to Archer’s model of reflexivity and planning, and richly discussed by care-leavers in this study), and a sense of personal time and planning (initially via some care-leavers’ scepticism about future-oriented planning), and the third, shared deliberation and shared planning strongly ‘present’ in the secondary analyses in Chapters 3–6. These three aspects (of planning) might each be viewed as strengths, in contrast to the view that ‘lack’ of future-oriented planning might be regarded as a vulnerability. The chapter, read together with Chapter 8, can provide a ‘live iteration’ in which qualitative data are summarised from Chapters 3–6 and, in Chapter 8, the work of Michael Bratman is discussed, whose work interplays in a deeply fascinating way with the voices of the young people in Chapters 3–6. His idea of the ‘remarkable trio of capacities’ for planning is a major source of the idea of the three-aspects model of planning for this book, in interplay with Archer’s work on reflexivity in social context, and re-imagined via young people’s sense of personal time.

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Care-leavers interviewed in our studies expressed strong emotions. When participants articulated what and who matters, this was usually done with deep feeling. When forward planning was discussed, some participants powerfully rejected the idea of planning ahead. Moreover, the research interview’s focus on internal conversations often triggered discussions about very strong, often profound, accounts of emotions linked to birth parents and siblings, foster parents and foster siblings, peers and friends, and sometimes services and professionals. In this chapter, following philosopher Martha Nussbaum’s work, emotions are framed as ‘suffused with intelligence and discernment’. Furthermore, the chapter ‘grapple[s] with the messy material of grief and love, anger and fear’, and stretches our senses of time by reminding us that healing usually takes time, and that young people in transition from care may have much experience of the details of emotions, time, and planning. Building also on work by philosopher Matthew Ratcliffe on emotional intentionality, emphasis is placed in this chapter on the circumstances of being in care and leaving care (see Chapter 1), which can involve multiple emotion ruptures during childhood and adolescence, and then the complex process of transition (from out-of-home care) itself, and emerging adulthood as an opportunity to make sense of, revise, reframe, and form new and renewed relationships, and plan – in the broadest and most flexible sense.

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Interweaving the narrative voices of care-leavers in the secondary analyses reported in this book (Chapters 3–6, and summarised in Chapter 7), this chapter provides a detailed account of philosopher Michael Bratman’s ‘remarkable trio’ model of planning agency, followed by a reformulation of one aspect of Bratman’s model – the cross-temporal aspect, based on the wide range of experience of time and planning discussed by young people in this book, as well as a wider literature on subjective and alternative time. Interplaying with young people’s voices summarised in Chapter 7, this chapter reflects on each aspect of a non-dogmatic three-aspects model of planning (what matters, shared deliberation, and a sense of personal time) focused on young people with experience of compounded adversity. Each aspect is regarded as a potential strength (in contrast to the idea that lack of future orientation might be regarded as a vulnerability or deficit requiring an intervention). The chapter ends with an account of expressive logics and counterlogics for planning: this dynamic logic may be regarded as forming a potential basis for practice-based collaborative and co-design work on planning during transition from out-of-home care (see Chapter 10).

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In addition to outlining its purposes, and structure, this introductory chapter to What Matters and Who Matters to Young People Leaving Care: A New Approach to Planning contextualises the book, discussing its origins in qualitative research on care-leavers’ internal conversations. Why internal conversations? Sociologist Margaret Archer proposed that internal conversations may act as reflexive ‘mediators’ between agency and structure. The chapter discusses the book’s standpoint that care-leavers bring a rich hoard of reflexive experience to all aspects of planning, including – for some young people – a deep and detailed scepticism about future-oriented planning. The centrality, for the book, of young people’s reflective and autobiographical answers to the internal conversations research interview question ‘Which areas of your life matter most to you at the moment?’ is discussed. The interview transcripts of even those young people who were ‘struggling’ the most had a rich and expressive narrative about what mattered most and who mattered most in their lives. The chapter introduces the notion that planning may not, for some young people, begin with future-oriented goal-setting. The idea of an alternative and non-dogmatic three-aspects approach to planning is introduced, with implications for a wide range of cross-disciplinary services working with care-experienced young people.

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