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Public awareness of social welfare policies, along with their increasing political influence, has led to growing interest in welfare attitudes. However, there has been insufficient consideration of the effects of different cohorts and social exclusion groups on attitudes to welfare in Korean society, as well as the dynamics of these effects. This article specifically examines changes in attitudes to welfare in South Korea with a focus on cohort and social exclusion perspectives. First, the study found that recent attitudes towards redistribution highlight generational perspectives on intergenerational conflict rather than a focus on social exclusion. Second, cohorts associated with democratisation and the information age displayed reluctance towards tax increases but held favourable views regarding redistributive policies and universal welfare. Third, socially excluded groups tended to favour selective welfare and tax increases. Finally, the current elderly generation, represented by the War-industrialisation cohort, exhibited relatively negative attitudes towards the welfare system compared to subsequent generations. These findings underscore the necessity for expanding government policies to enhance welfare understanding and experiences among the post-war generation and socially excluded groups. Additionally, it is crucial to address generational distributional justice and to broaden discussions on solidarity.

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Corporate volunteering, despite its benefits for the enterprises, supported people, and the volunteers themselves, is still not popular in Polish medium-sized and large companies. In this paper, we explore how people with/without experience in corporate volunteering perceive circumstances that would encourage them to join this activity, and the benefits of it to employers, beneficiaries, and themselves. Our insight may help to plan corporate volunteering programmes, especially for employers and nonprofit organisations collaborating with enterprises.

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Volunteering is an essential resource for European countries and can be an opportunity for social participation. Yet it can also lead to exploitation. Social scientific narratives on this object are important because of the role that scholars can play in the development and implementation of public policies. Drawing on the observation that older people provide a significant portion of volunteer work, this article examines to what extent and how the social scientific literature about older volunteers questions the risk of exploitation that is inherent to any form of voluntary engagement. We find that these discourses predominantly describe volunteering as a means to improve older people’s lives and as a needed contribution. Risks of exploitation are rarely addressed. To help avoid ageism in social sciences and in volunteering policies and programmes, we suggest that scholars should give more awareness to the volunteering-exploitation nexus in their studies of older volunteers.

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This article reflects on the recent ‘turn to lived experience’ within academia and the third sector in the UK and discusses some issues arising. It then focuses on ways in which these issues might be addressed – including through a methodology employed by ATD Fourth World, an international human rights-based anti-poverty organisation founded after the Second World War that works in partnership with people affected by poverty. ATD developed the ‘merging of knowledge and practice’ to bring together different kinds of expertise, including that acquired from lived experience, to create a richer form of knowledge and better-informed practice. The article discusses this method and suggests various ways in which the lived experience of poverty can be embedded in public debate, policy and practice. People with experience of poverty can be involved in examining and conveying the many dimensions of that experience; providing training for officials dealing with people in poverty; and designing and evaluating relevant policies.

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Although equal pay for equal work between women and men is a founding principle of the European Union, enshrined in the Treaties since 1957, the gender pay gap stands at 12.7 per cent in 2021 and has only changed minimally for two decades. This article explores a policymaking paradox: the EU equal pay policy seems unaffected by failure, on the contrary, failure seems to contribute to the legitimisation of the policy. The article asks how and why a policy implementation failure framing has been developed in the field of EU equal pay promotion? What is the political function of this framing and what is its impact on the EU policymaking process? Over the years, the EU equal pay policy has been associated with a repeated experience of implementation failure. This failure framing has been particularly present in the debates over the implementation of the 2006 Recast Directive, especially since this frame has been impelled by the quantitative and symbolic strength of the gender pay gap’s percentage. The article shows that this framing performed important functions. From a policymaking perspective, the implementation failure framing allowed the gender equality policy community to keep the issue firmly on the EU agenda and to ride out the dismantling storm. The article also shows that the analytical definition of what constitutes a policy failure should be more nuanced. To conclude, the article asks if this type of failure framing can continue to produce results in an increasingly polarised context such as that of gender equality.

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While the events leading up to the nation’s first ban of critical race theory, Idaho’s House Bill 377, was attention-grabbing given the controversy and salience of the issues, its implementation has been lacklustre as these issues have faded from the agenda. This article uses the multiple streams framework (MSF) to unravel these events and understand both why Idaho tackled the CRT (critical race theory) ‘problem’ and how problem framing around indoctrination impacted the progression of this policy through agenda-setting to implementation. Findings from this small-scale qualitative study illustrate how Idaho politics provided fertile ground for entrepreneurs to seize on indoctrination from educational institutions perceived to be overly liberal or ‘leftist’ and couple it with proposals to ban CRT. Following adoption, though, entrepreneurs failed to influence decisions within universities with the same efficaciousness. This caused streams to decouple, as faculty did not accept the indoctrination narrative, leading to some disruption in teaching practices but inconsistent implementation overall. As well as analysing this important empirical case, this article highlights important theoretical issues for MSF, such as the mechanisms of decoupling and the reliability of information in shaping policy narratives, and how they operate across the latter stages of the policy process, namely policy adoption and implementation.

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The role played by evidence in policymaking is hotly disputed and there is no agreement over how evidence is defined. This article examines whether policy actors have different views of what counts as evidence and which factors influence these perceptions (for example, professional background, length of service, organisation setting, cultures of evidence)? In addressing this question, we contribute to the growing research focus on the context of evidence use. Q methodology – a mixed method approach to study people’s attitudes towards a topic – is used in interviewing 67 policy actors and comparing two countries, Scotland and Wales, to find out whether there are different cultures of evidence. In both countries, we identified four distinct profiles of attitudes towards evidence: the evidence-based policymaking (EBPM) Idealist, the Pragmatist, the Inclusive, and the Political. Our research highlights important differences between the two contexts, with a greater leaning towards EBPM views of evidence in Wales, and more pragmatism in defining evidence in Scotland. We illustrate how different cultures of evidence coexist in a same context and highlight their similarities and differences. We also contribute to the understanding of the value of Q methodology research by showing that it can be used to compare two datasets collected in different countries.

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Over the past three decades, Canada has expanded its capacity to confine citizens in ways that disproportionately affect Black, Indigenous and People of Colour (BIPOC) communities and people grappling with mental health and substance use issues, as well as poverty and homelessness. Carceral expansion, however, is not restricted to increasing institutional capacity; it also entails mechanisms to govern vulnerable people through the broader community-based carceral system. Based on a series of focus group interviews with representatives from over a dozen different community-based advocacy groups in Ottawa, Canada, this article examines the emotional labour these radical activists employ in their anti-carceral advocacy work. We explore how emotions and affects structure the strategies mobilised by these groups, and how they enable these advocates to resist carceral expansion. We also examine how critics of the anti-carceral position held by our participants tend to frame their interventions in ways that seek to delegitimise these activists as overly emotional or irrational in their denunciation of carceral violence, even as advocates remarked how their radical activist positions on penal abolition have been co-opted by proponents of police reform. This is revealing of the ways in which the emotional states of actors with fewer resources and authority can be mobilised by those in positions of relative power, transforming the emotional landscape of contestation.

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This paper provides insights into ‘Policy to Research’ (P2R) Fellowships and related programmes within the ‘relationship’ model of academic–policy engagement, which provide structured opportunities for policy officials to interact with academic researchers.

Aims and objectives:

Information is provided on P2R Fellowship and similar programmes in the UK, Europe and North America. The research questions concern the aims, features and intended outcomes of P2R Fellowship programmes; what can be learned from evaluations of these programmes; and whether value for money for these programmes can be deduced. The authors then aim to provide guidance for an evaluation framework.


Programmes were identified through a subset of data gathered on research–policy engagement initiatives in a recent mapping exercise. This was supplemented via Google search. Published data on organisational websites is presented in a table, where data was checked by email with programme managers, who were also asked to provide additional evaluation documents.


Twenty-four P2R Fellowship programmes were located. Eleven programme managers confirmed information provided in . Evaluation documents were provided for five programmes. An average cost of providing a P2R Fellowship was estimated at around £5,000 for each Fellow. Five common aims for P2R Fellowship programmes were identified.

Discussion and conclusion:

Quantitative and qualitative evaluations available from the 24 programmes are reviewed. The comparative lack of published evaluation data is discussed, and recommendations made for an evaluation framework for P2R Fellowships, to build understanding of how to intervene successfully to support a research-for-policy system which delivers for all.

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This article examines the potential of feminist democratic innovations in policy and institutional politics. It examines how feminist democratic innovations can be conceptualised and articulated in local institutions. Combining theories on democratic governance, feminist democracy, social movements, municipalism, decentralisation, gender equality policies and state feminism, it conceptualises feminist democratic innovations in policy and politics as innovations oriented at (a) transforming knowledge, (b) transforming policymaking and public funding, (c) transforming institutions, and (d) transforming actors’ coalitions. Through analysis of municipal plans and interviews with key actors, the article examines feminist democratic innovations in the policy and politics of Barcelona’s local government from 2015 to 2023. Emerging from the mobilisation of progressive social movements after the 2008 economic crisis, the findings uncover a laboratory of feminist municipal politics, following the election of a new government and self-proclaimed feminist mayor. Critical actors and an enabling political context play a pivotal role in the adoption of this feminist institutional politics. The article concludes by arguing that feminist institutional politics at the local level contribute to democratising policy and politics in innovative ways, in particular encouraging inclusive intersectionality and participatory discourses and practices.

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