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This paper offers a novel analysis of how Nepal is delivering its commitment to secondary education provision that is advancing environmental sustainability, tracing a trajectory that begins with national policies relating to environmental sustainability and incorporating the national curriculum framework, textbooks, pedagogies used in classrooms, and learner experiences and anticipated actions. We consider Nepal’s education about and for environmental sustainability in the context of theories of environmental justice, and question if and how secondary provision might promote the behavioural change that Nepal recognises is vital for environmental sustainability. Qualitative data were generated through policy analysis, critical content analysis of secondary-level curriculum and textbooks, classroom observations, semi-structured interviews with 15 teachers and 4 headteachers, and a range of in-person activities with 24 students in purposively selected four community secondary schools in the three diverse locations across Nepal. The results illuminate pronounced disconnections across modalities that indicate incoherence and unresolved debates in the underlying narrative of what environmental sustainability is and the role of education in addressing it. Our findings suggest that learners’ ideas, opinions, thinking and experiences should be encouraged and celebrated in the classroom to aid learners in translating conceptual learning into practical, sustainable behaviours, as well as to contribute to environmental justice. The findings appeal to the concerned stakeholders for their consideration of future policy and programme development that promotes environmental justice through education and establishes a connection between classroom learning and students’ lived experiences through a participatory approach, collaboration, and critical and creative thinking.

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Education is often posed as the harbinger of progress in discourses related to the development of marginalised Indigenous communities. However, since they entered the mainstream schools in the 1960s, the four Indigenous communities of Gudalur, India have experienced various forms of injustice in seeking formal education. This article draws from the work of the Vishwa Bharati Vidyodaya Trust, a community-driven organisation that has been working on matters related to the education of these four communities since 1996, and two research initiatives that captures the community’s voices on their experiences and aspirations related to education, to put forth recommendations for practice that is geared towards greater equality and justice for the children of Indigenous communities. Rooted in the belief that the active participation of the community is crucial to devising solutions that truly address in a sustainable manner the historical injustices faced by them, the article outlines various interventions at different sites of learning that builds community ownership and nurtures a meaningful continuum between the home and school environment of the children.

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This paper explores how Ugandan secondary school learners experience schooling in English-medium schools where the use of English only is strictly enforced. We conceptualise the ways that the learners sit at the intersection of direct, systemic and cultural violence that in turn impacts their educational experiences. We particularly focus on instances of direct violence through corporal punishment, and the ways that such violence, and associated fear, are part of many learners’ everyday schooling experiences. We demonstrate this through presentation of findings from thematic analysis of individual and focus group interviews with 64 learners at two public and two private secondary schools in the Amuru and Kitgum districts of Northern Uganda. Our conclusions advocate for greater attention to be paid to the ways that changes to enforced English-only policies could support more positive well-being and educational outcomes.

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This paper draws on findings from the JustEd study to discuss the shallow pedagogies that have emerged in Peru in the context of learner-centred and outcomes-based reforms that have been poorly implemented in a context with many limitations in terms of policy orientations, resources, and teacher training and support. These pedagogies promote little to no critical thinking, are disconnected from students’ experiences and do not encourage them to problematise reality nor to grasp complexity. Such pedagogies constitute a form of epistemic injustice in that they do not help to develop students’ capacity to participate as equals in the consumption and production of knowledge. Through this, these pedagogies also limit education’s potential contributions to justice, peace and sustainability. Our discussion of shallow pedagogies leads us to articulate some more positive elements of what rich and just pedagogies might entail.

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All international agreements recognise that sustainable development, equity and poverty alleviation are preconditions for the substantial societal and technological transformations required to limit global warming to 1.5°C. A growing body of literature indicates that while climate change undermines the progress of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), climate actions also pose several trade-offs with them. Climate adaptation has a largely synergistic relationship with SDGs across various socio-economic contexts. However, climate mitigation’s relationship with SDGs is far more complex. While the need to decarbonise is universal, the pathways to deliver deep decarbonisation vary across contexts and scales and are located within the local socio-economic realities besides local environmental factors. This paper argues that (1) climate mitigation measures in countries like India – with rising income inequality and high social diversity in caste, religion and region – need a tailored assessment approach, (2) carefully mediating climate mitigation measures – like deep decarbonisation – at the local level is crucial to enable transformative change required to meet the Paris Agreement and the UN Agenda 2030, (3) enabling ‘just’ deep decarbonisation or SDG-enabled decarbonisation at the local level requires addressing unmet needs of the vulnerable population even at the cost of increased emissions, and (4) sector-specific decarbonisation strategies at the national level must be translated into the local area’s social, economic, environmental and institutional realities. This paper grounds this approach using the example of the transport sector and applies it in a mid-sized city of India, Udaipur, to illustrate the argument.

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This piece elaborates on a ‘new way of thinking’ (Einstein, 1946) that would contribute to overcoming the challenge of climate change and its impacts. This ‘new way’ will have us go beyond using facts and figures alone to persuade and cajole. It will have us stretching our moral imagination (Johnson, 2016) and empathising with people very different from ourselves. It will have us investing in processes of exchange which support the co-creation of knowledge and the future we want together.

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Chapter 2 sets out the macro-level components of the book’s argument. It introduces the concept of historically variable contexts and examines key projects of social change. It explores different relationships between SCOs and the state, showing how they are shaped by organisations’ values and tactical choices as much as by regime types. It discusses interaction between different modernisation processes, illustrating how these have been shaped by and shape SCOs. Given that historical processes are deeply intertwined rather than following a strict chronological order, the chapter pursues three historical sequences of social change. The first thread begins with colonisation processes, which underpinned the emergence of racialised capitalism, were intertwined with the development of humanitarianism and led to independence struggles. The second thread turns to the emergence of socialism as a response to capitalism and discuss the mixed economy of welfare involving charities, self-help groups and the state. The third thread addresses the rise of fascism in the first half of the 20th century and discusses contemporary populist movements. The chapter demonstrates that different regime types give rise to different types of SCOs and, conversely, that different types of SCOs can contribute to the emergence of different regime types.

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Chapter 6 examines the relations between SCOs in more depth by discussing the collaboration, coalitions, conflict, and competition among SCOs and the circumstances under which they occur. It focuses on the core idea of our book, that we cannot understand the emergence, activity and impact of SCOs in isolation. Interactions among SCOs have important ramifications as they influence each other to a greater or lesser extent when they come into, or purposefully avoid, contact, or if they compete, with one another. This chapter illustrates the dynamism of contact between SCOs, as actions and reactions that come to shape whether trust-benefit relations can be built. Debates about intersectionality, coalition-building, and counter-movements inform the examination of relationships among SCOs. Competition can result in institutional isomorphism as well as differentiation. The emphasis on SCOs more broadly allows us to examine the circumstances under which organisations collaborate or compete. Collaboration between SCOs is important because it might cancel out the risks of NGOisation. Not all organisations become tame because it is the synergy of SCOs that results in social change. Roth and Saunders acknowledge the importance of radical uncompromising critique as well as pragmatic – and diplomatic – compromise. Lastly, the chapter examines conflict between SCOs in the context of counter-movements.

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The conclusion returns to the core argument that a focus of SCOs contributes to a theory of social change that acknowledges both structure and agency. The authors once more stress the central argument of the volume: that analysing different types of SCOs synergistically and historically allows us to recognise their important role in generating social change. The holistic understanding of SCOs presented in the book is made possible through, and contributes to, the integration of social movement studies, third sector studies, and the study of NGOs. The examination of SCMs’ biographies and the coalition-building between different types of SCOs requires an integrative view of literatures, while integration of literature enhances analysis of SCOs. The importance of temporality, varieties of change making and holism are stressed. Implications for activists and future directions for research are suggested.

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This chapter introduces the core concepts and ideas of the book and why they matter. The book is about the wide range of organisations that are responding to crises and are involved in bringing about and resisting social change. The book, Organising for Change, introduces the concepts of social change organisations (SCOs) and social change makers (SCMs). The introduction first situates the argument about the importance of SCOs and SCMs within contemporary times and stresses their importance for shaping societies. The contributions that a range of strategically differentiated and sometimes overlapping SCOs can and do make to social change and to each other in synergy through sets of interactions and reactions will be examined. To do so, the chapter brings into dialogue different and hitherto largely unconnected bodies of scholarship on social movement organisations, non-governmental organisations and not-for-profit organisations. At the end of the introduction, data and methods on which the book is based are described and an overview of the book is provided.

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