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This article enquires into imaginations of ‘political masculinity’ in a Caribbean-British context and the engagement of artists with the ideologies of the political sphere and their co-construction of it. The article focuses on gendered strategies of political self-fashioning in George Lamming’s Water With Berries and Orlando Patterson’s An Absence of Ruins, which emerge from the tension between political engagement and artistic detachment that structures the work and public image of Caribbean artists and their political interpellation into the public sphere. I propose that artists manoeuvre in a political field of tension as regards citizenship, nation building and cultural authority – themselves inherently gendered concepts – by problematising the basis of black revolutionary politics as tied to essentialised codes of masculinity that in turn rest on specific ideals of cultural authority, such as the (Victorian) ‘man of letters’, the ‘peasant’ or ‘folk hero’, or a more radical political masculine blackness associated with Black Power.

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In recent years, the contradiction between the need for collaborative global cybersecurity governance and the fragmentation of the cybersecurity governance system has become particularly prominent. How can we understand the fragmentation of the global cybersecurity governance structure? Based on the assumption that international cybersecurity is a quasi-public good, this article attempts to analyse the fragmentation of cybersecurity governance and its causes from the perspectives of supply and consumption of cybersecurity products by drawing on theories about quasi-public goods and using comparative analysis and case studies. From the supply perspective, the two main cybersecurity supply models, mainly sovereign states and international organisations, are fragmented to a certain extent in terms of governance concepts, governance models, governance rules and governance institutions, respectively. From the perspective of consumers, in the process of global cybersecurity supply, the unreasonable price structure, distribution structure and the disproportion between the distribution structure and price are the main reasons for the emergence of the fragmentation problem, which is manifested in the variability of interests and demands of multiple cybersecurity governance subjects, the insufficient effectiveness of the global cyber governance mechanism, the high participation cost brought about by cyber hegemony, and the deficiency of democratic legitimacy and representation in the current global cybersecurity governance. The fragmentation of global cyber governance is precisely a response to global governance failure triggered by the imbalance between supply and demand of international cybersecurity as a quasi-public good.

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Governmental representatives often cite security concerns as a reason when justifying policies that contribute to internet fragmentation. Restrictions, such as on the use of foreign soft- and hardware or data localisation requirements, are meant to lessen cybersecurity risks, including disruptive cyberattacks or state-led surveillance campaigns. Intuitively, it seems self-explanatory that these measures translate into cybersecurity gains – the more control a government has over a system, the more secure it should be. Although critics strongly dispute such measures by making an economic case, they hardly ever question the assumption made regarding cybersecurity benefits.

Our article challenges this view, taking public goods theory as our analytical point of departure to criticise notions of ‘weaponized interdependence’. Furthermore, we challenge the idea of secure national controls, which are key building blocks within justifications of governmental fragmentation policies at the application layer. More specifically, we argue that such justifications ignore negative impacts on the availability of key public goods in global cybersecurity, as well as other externalities. For example, while technological decoupling may well lead to less vulnerability to cyberattacks, it may also eliminate important incentives for self-restraint on the part of attackers due to potential blowback effects. It is with a view to such unintended consequences that we call for a more thorough assessment of the security risks and benefits within public policy debates on digital trade restrictions and data localisation.

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This article reconstructs the contemporary experience of the crisis in South America as part of the continuing crisis of the peripheral neoliberal state, focusing on the cases of Argentina and Brazil. Comprehensively exploring the implications of the demise of ‘neodevelopmentalism’ as a progressive politics and a specific relation of forces in the Southern Cone of Latin America, it tackles the recent backlash and ‘turbo-charged’ neoliberal experiments carried out in both countries, delivering a novel understanding of the situated nature of the ‘age of crisis’ and an insight into the prospects and challenges for a transformative praxis worldwide.

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This article critically reviews the concept of political masculinities that has been developed and applied across disciplines over the last ten years. I reflect on its future use across disciplines and, in particular, political science. In arguing for its continued utility, I suggest that, rather than existing as a category or configuration of gender practice, it acts as a useful lens through which to view the variably implicit and explicit practice of gendered power relations. This allows us to navigate what has been recognised as the ‘multifariousness and decentredness’ of different categories or configurations of gender practice and makes the varying politicalness of these practices visible as a basis for equitable gender change. In developing the concept further, I define what is ‘political’ in political masculinities and examine its relation to other categories or configurations of masculinity practices, such as hegemonic, dominant, marginalised and subordinate masculinities.

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This article has two aims. Firstly, to highlight a general marginalisation of queer and trans voices within the environmental/ecological movement. Secondly, to identify and explore some contemporary efforts to overcome these tensions and forge closer alliances between queer and green politics. Drawing on queer and trans ecology literatures, we highlight the radical potential that closer synergy between the progressive goals and activities of environmentalist and LGBTQIA2+ politics can bring about. Examining the online content of a number of activist organisations and platforms, we highlight some of the ways in which the queering of green politics and the greening of queer politics are being given practical contemporary expression. In doing so, we highlight the space that this type of politics can create for a reimagining of alternative ecological futures and a more progressive political economy based around a transformation of relationships both within human populations and between humans and other-than-human species and ecologies.

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This paper draws on findings from the JustEd study to discuss the shallow pedagogies that have emerged in Peru in the context of learner-centred and outcomes-based reforms that have been poorly implemented in a context with many limitations in terms of policy orientations, resources, and teacher training and support. These pedagogies promote little to no critical thinking, are disconnected from students’ experiences and do not encourage them to problematise reality nor to grasp complexity. Such pedagogies constitute a form of epistemic injustice in that they do not help to develop students’ capacity to participate as equals in the consumption and production of knowledge. Through this, these pedagogies also limit education’s potential contributions to justice, peace and sustainability. Our discussion of shallow pedagogies leads us to articulate some more positive elements of what rich and just pedagogies might entail.

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As the impacts of the climate crisis are being increasingly felt, a critical part of the solution is said to be the issue of mobilising climate finance. Particularly for the Global South, climate finance is crucial for sustainable development; to simultaneously meet the challenges of the climate crisis while addressing issues around economic development, health, poverty and beyond. Yet at present, Southern progress is being held back by ongoing and evolving patterns of Northern neo-coloniality, including through finance and debt relationships. In a context where the mainstream approach to mobilising climate finance – centring private finance, derisked by the state – reflects the dominance of US-style market-based finance, climate finance in this form simply risks becoming a new mechanism by which Southern countries are exposed to new types of subordination and dependence. Instead, structural changes and policy space is required for the Global South to break away from Northern financial dependence. The Bridgetown Agenda and calls for a new Bretton Woods moment are important steps in this direction. However, in addition such countries need the ability to develop financial institutions and regulatory structures that can simultaneously direct credit towards priority areas, regulate capital flows, and develop infrastructure that is democratically owned and oriented towards the needs of public and environment.

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The literature commonly assumes that social policy hinders labour mobility and reallocation across jobs and sectors. Particularly neo-classical economics posits that there is a trade-off between ‘security’ (social policy) and ‘efficiency’ (labour reallocation and employing workers in jobs where they are most productive). In a sample of 12 OECD countries between 2000 and 2008, this article shows that, as opposed to the common trade-off assumption, social policy supports greater labour reallocation across sectors. Furthermore, labour market dualisation as a result of the growth of ‘cheap labour’ reduces labour mobility across jobs and sectors. A higher share of ‘cheap labour’, defined as workers in low-paid jobs with little or no protection, segregates the labour market between ‘undesirable’ sectors (where cheap labour is employed) and desirable sectors (where wages are higher, and social protection is more expansive). This segregation impedes movement across sectors due to the fear of falling into an ‘undesirable’ sector. The social policy provides a safety net and helps bridge the labour market divide across sectors and hence positively contributes to inter-sectoral mobility.

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