Social work internationally is currently subject to debate. Some call for the abolition of social work, detailing legacies of harm, inadequate practices and theoretical limitations. Central to abolitionist thought is the tradition of community work to build alternative futures in the present, an area currently receiving less attention. This article adopts an auto-ethnographic method, drawing on the authors’ experiences of social work in the UK – in childhood and as a professional career, respectively – to consider the limitations of social work responses to childhood harm, alongside existing community harm-reduction practices. Four themes are identified that capture the limitations of social work intervention, as well as acts of community care and resistance. These are: the extent of engagement with context and community knowledge; resources for caring; legacies of harm; and the role of social work in relation to community harm-reduction work. Implications for research methods and social work practice are discussed.
For decades, sociologists have characterised fear as the predominant emotion of late-capitalist societies. How can this be explained? Which determinants underlie the continuing relevance of fear? To answer this question, I draw on insights from modernisation theories and affect theories, which I see as complementing and extending each other. I argue that the former provide a ‘structural approach to fear’, focusing on fear-generating socioeconomic and cultural transformations, while the latter provide an ‘approach to fear’s affectivity’, focusing on the bodily and relational character of fear as well as its modulation by the current politics of fear. By combining these approaches, both the structural and affective dimensions of significant causes and effects of fear can be illuminated. This allows for the contouring of the late-capitalist ‘affect regime of fear’ using its structural and affective preconditions, which offers an expanded explanation for the persistence of fear in late-capitalist societies. Therefore, I will first introduce both approaches and outline their mutual extensions. Second, I will reconstruct and combine their insights regarding two significant fear-related phenomena, namely global risks and neoliberal lifestyles. Third, I will illustrate that these are preferentially processed through the affective politics of fear that reinforces politics of securitisation and politics of inequality. Finally, I will summarise the main features of the affect regime of fear and outline how the sociology of fear might benefit from bringing modernisation and affect theories’ approaches into dialogue.
For over ten years now, social work and youth and community students from a university in England have travelled to Palestine to be hosted by families and conduct a study tour of the West Bank. They have visited governors in the West Bank, community centres, camp committees, art centres, social work agencies, museums and faith and political heritage sites across the West Bank and Jerusalem. This article reports on the reciprocity between host families and university staff in addressing student learning for social justice in a community that seeks international recognition and action in respect of the injustices of an illegal occupation. We argue that the goals of the host community in respect of extending their voice and reaching a constituency beyond their borders are compatible with experiential learning goals for students in developing political and cultural awareness through engaging with community experiences of responses to social injustice.
Increasing shares of the sustainable consumption literature postulate the need for a focus on limits to consumption as a basis for achieving absolute reductions in resource use. After all, improvements in the sustainability of consumption expected from technological innovation and efficiency gains have been eaten up by rebound effects, to date. The decoupling that proponents of green growth were hoping for is nowhere in sight. However, discussions about limits to consumption immediately meet opposition from political representatives, powerful associations and industry lobby groups alike. Specifically, opponents claim that we simply cannot afford a scaling back of consumption and the economic growth it is supposed to drive due to the growth-dependent nature of our welfare systems. Such claims have become very dominant narratives that influence what societies deem ‘realistic’ and ‘possible’ regarding the politics of sustainable consumption, cementing the current status quo. It also shows that research on strong sustainable consumption governance, that is, governance pursuing a reduction in consumption levels and fundamental shift in consumption patterns (especially in the Global North), needs to target such claims head on, if existing paradigmatic barriers to a sustainability transition are to be overcome. But what counter-narrative(s) can scholars offer? To identify potential elements of such counter-narrative(s) for consumption scholars to draw on, the present article investigates what answers critical sustainability research, in particular the degrowth literature, has in stock regarding the affordability of reductions in consumption-driven growth from the perspective of democratic welfare states.
This chapter provides a summary of the key findings, along with a discussion of their implications for research, theory and policy making. It then turns to address the research limitations and concludes with an agenda for future research.
This chapter presents and interprets the results obtained from the statistical analyses of the 2000 Families Survey data to shed light upon the poverty impact of international migration for migrants and their descendants. It starts by summarising the key tendencies emerging from the descriptive analyses of the entire sample and the sub-sample of the settlers spread across multiple European destinations. It then outlines the probit results obtained through the comparisons drawn between the settlers, returnees and stayers spanning three family generations. This is followed by a presentation of the results arising from the probit estimations performed with the sub-sample of settlers. The chapter concludes by explaining the narrative behind the statistical findings.
This chapter presents the aims, significance and structure of the book. As well as highlighting the major gaps existing within the international migration literature, it outlines the unique features of the study and explains the significance of its theory-driven, multi-site and intergenerational approach to understanding migrant poverty.
This chapter maps out the empirical works focussed on the relationship between poverty and international migration while situating them within the wider literature that qualitatively or quantitatively examines the socio-economic performances of international migrants and/or their descendants. It then presents the current research evidence on the incidence, persistence and determinants of migrant poverty. It concludes by explaining the ways in which this book will contribute to closing the gaps existing within the field.
International migration is a life-changing process, but do the migrants and their families fare economically better than those who stayed behind?
Drawing on the largest database available on labour migration to Europe, this book seeks to shed light upon this question through an exploration of poverty outcomes for three generations of settler migrants spanning multiple European destinations, as compared with their returnee and stayer counterparts living in Turkey.
As well as documenting generational trends, it investigates the transmission of poverty onto the younger generations. With its unique multi-site and intergenerational perspective, the book provides a rare insight into the economic consequences of international migration for migrants and their descendants.
This chapter aims to outline the methodological approach taken to empirically investigate migrant poverty. It starts by depicting the key characteristics of the target population and the sample to demonstrate its appropriateness for the exploration of migrant poverty from a multi-site and intergenerational perspective. This is followed by a presentation of the survey design and implementation, along with the methods, techniques and instruments used in sampling, data collection and analysis. The chapter ends with a detailed exposition of the dependent and independent variables and their links to the resource-based model.