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The ongoing process of care marketisation is also impacting the Italian familistic welfare state, as evidenced by the increasing presence of private employment agencies in home-based care. This process is having different consequences, from workers’ segmentation to the multiplication of employment and working conditions. Time is essential in care work, and private agencies are provoking a real conceptual shift towards the idea of time as a subjective dimension of the employment relationship. When dealing with time regulation, the emphasis on autonomy and self-organisation faces the concrete limits established by a highly time-consuming activity like care work.

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As climate change intensifies, some people connect it to their decision to be childfree. This is largely predicated on how they imagine the future, not their current climate change realities. Examining this shows how climate change enters and affects the lifeworlds of the environmentally privileged. I ask what motivates environmentally privileged people to connect being childfree to climate change through an in-depth interview study of 15 ‘ecologically childfree’ adults, recruited through an online group, BirthStrike. I find two subsets of BirthStrikers, those who see being childfree as sacrificial and those with multiple motivations. I argue being ecologically childfree is a strategy of temporal emotion management and a way to legitimise ecological grief, a disenfranchised grief that goes unrecognised. Being childfree alters the intensity of BirthStrikers’ emotions and their temporal frames of engagement. For BirthStrikers with multiple motivations, I argue being childfree legitimises respondents’ ecological grief by demonstrating personal impact.

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Food insecurity continues to increase in the UK and includes a lack of adequate resources to shop, cook and eat. Among social groups most likely to experience poverty, food insecurity and malnutrition, relatively few older adults have traditionally accessed food banks. This is despite malnutrition representing a common cause of functional decline and mortality among older people. This article draws from interviews in Cambridge with older adults, volunteers and others working with older people. It details why some older people who experience hunger or malnutrition may not access the services of a food bank. Among other findings, we highlight the impact of stigma and pride upon many older adults’ viewpoints, as well as the possible negative effects of chronic illness, isolation, reductions in social care funding and policy-based reforms. The potential of social and healthcare services to better support older people experiencing food insecurity and malnutrition is highlighted.

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This article explores the implications of the 2004 Norwegian substance treatment reforms for social work. It considers power dynamics in social, political and economic contexts. The reforms aimed to address the absence of consensus and oversight in the Norwegian drug treatment system and to enhance accessibility and individualised care for people with substance use disorders. Using a genealogical approach and a theoretical framework based on Michel Foucault’s concept of biopower, this study analyses the integration of control and welfare policies to combat drugs and the reform’s emphasis on self-governance, alongside management considerations. The findings reveal a shift in governmentality regarding addiction services in Norway, towards neoliberal management and an emphasis on local governeance, decentralisation and invidualised care. Moreover, the study highlights the potential for undesirable biopolitics to emerge, particularly in the context of the simultaneous coercion and treatment of people using illegal drugs. The study concludes by discussing the implications for social work practice and calling for further research on the integration of control and welfare policies.

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This article aims to explore the impact of neoliberal logic and ideas of establishment in Sweden on non-governmental social work with asylum-seeking young people. The focus is on the perceptions of the social workers within a non-governmental organisation (NGO) working with the establishment of unaccompanied young people. Data were collected through interviews and participant observations and analysed using theories of neoliberalism, belonging and neoliberal racism. The results show that when the migration laws were toughened in Sweden, the social workers and the NGO had to adapt. The NGO repackaged their target group only to include young people with residency, excluding others. The social workers resisted these changes and went beyond their formal duties to support all young people regardless of asylum status. However, the social work provided was still within the establishment framework of the programme. They kept working towards establishing people already deemed within a neoliberal and colonial logic as unestablishable.

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Research on food insecurity and food aid has focused overwhelmingly on the experiences of women, particularly mothers, with little focus to date on exploring single men’s experiences. This article will explore the experiences of single men across two independent studies of food insecurity and food aid, based on an ethnographic study undertaken with predominantly male clients of food aid schemes in north-east England and a photo-elicitation study undertaken with single men experiencing food insecurity in Scotland. The article will explore how austerity measures heightened men’s levels of food insecurity and need for food aid, and how men’s perceptions of gender roles and stigma influenced where and when they asked for support. The article argues that adverse life events, such as homelessness, contribute to heightened levels of food insecurity. In addition, the social role of food aid will be explored, with participants using sites of food aid not just for physical nourishment but also as a space to connect. Finally, the article will explore the participants’ insights into high male attendance at sites of food aid, often blaming other men’s lack of basic budgeting and cookery skills so as to justify their own deservingness. The article seeks to contribute to addressing a gap in the literature in relation to men’s experiences of food insecurity, and concludes with recommendations on how to support men at risk of using food aid and experiencing food insecurity.

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Leadership research has always recognised the importance of childhood factors for the occupation of formal or informal leader positions later in life. Still, empirical research in the field has mainly been based on retrospective accounts from selective and small samples. Such research has also concentrated on individual traits and experiences, less on characteristics of the family. Our aim is to fill this void by prospectively examining the role of the family of origin on educational attainment and holding a managerial position in adulthood. Analyses were based on the Stockholm Multigenerational Study, including register and survey data, regarding 3,088 males born between 1950 and 1976 and their mothers’ attitudes to education and child-rearing in the late 1960s. Our results showed a significant effect of family socio-economic status (SES) on managerial role occupancy in late adulthood. This effect was mainly mediated through educational level. However, a noteworthy share of the total effect of family SES was channelled through maternal attitudes towards education. Positive attitudes towards education in the home environment accounted for an equally large share of the total indirect effect of family SES as the offspring’s cognitive capacity did. Authoritarian attitudes to child-rearing among mothers were also found to have a negative impact on cognitive capacity and educational level – two well-known antecedents to leader emergence. Parental attitudes may boost or modify structural characteristics and individual traits associated with holding formal leader roles such as a managerial position – but also showed an independent effect several decades later.

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This article elaborates on a theoretically informed model of action rooted in the concept of professional resistance, which approaches groups of people and social problems in an alternative way to the dominant modes of managerial practice. The aim is to create conditions for approaching groups with social needs differently and to be able to act politically for social change within contemporary society. We will do this by exploring the potential of the assembly in line with Hardt, Negri and Butler, as well as the notion of transversal politics as developed by Yuval-Davis, for creating political subjectivities and alliances across differences. The reason for this theoretical approach is based on how the effects of categorisation and its political function can sometimes be challenging to identify. This is argued to especially be the case within a neoliberal capitalist society where categories induce competition between precarious groups to maintain the political status quo.

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