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This article provides the reader with a theoretical framework and a method of representing cities called cartographies of infrastructural imaginations. The study employs mapping methods from the fields of architecture, urban geography and visual cultures. The research inquires about the role of cartography in the analysis of discourses that define policies of water supply, food distribution and land-use regulation, which are three environmental challenges in cities. How can we identify and situate the urban actors that attend to such challenges in cities from the Global South?
The research is empirically grounded in Mexico City, Shanghai and Bangalore, urban settlements with a history of colonial occupation in previous centuries. Their foreign interventions still shape urban imaginaries of these cities. The method of blending photographic analysis with maps aims to offer objective precision of geographical data and subjective street-level views of local stories. The intention is to understand where the infrastructural ideas come from, and how imaginaries flow to communicate visions about the development of the city. A central task here is to frame how power structures interact and represent their interests via utopian and dystopian narratives.
A case is made in Chapter Six that if any nation state is to be adjudged a ‘healthy society’, the analysis must be extended as a matter of urgency to incorporate analyses of unequal global relations. Reference is made both to shifts in the global economy of significance for health and health care beyond the English and UK experience, and to contemporary concerns around climate change. World systems theory is introduced to help theorise the linkages between high-income core, middle-income semi-peripheral and low-income peripheral countries.
In Chapter Five the diagnosis of the fractured society provides an expedient starting point for discussing the British government’s response to the COVID pandemic. A critique of government policy focuses on issues of delay, strategy, efficiency and effectiveness, and trust. It is argued that corruption was rife and that the visitation of COVID comprehensively exposed the wounds and fractures of UK society in the 21st century. In this sense it can be seen as a natural ‘breaching experiment’.
In the concluding Chapter Twelve attention is directed at the role of sociology in pursuing a post-fractured society. The six sociologies presented earlier are revisited, with special attention paid to foresight and action sociologies. It is argued that if sociologists as a community are to effectively address and engage with major contemporary problems around health, wellbeing and the notion of a healthy society, they must be prepared to commit to actively opposing the ideologies of vested interests.
Can society be healthy, and how? Is Britain a ‘healthy society’ in the 21st century?
When people ponder health, they usually consider the health of the individual, but individuals co-exist in a social environment so attention should be placed on the health of communities and populations.
Re-examining health, healthcare and societal health using the latest data and research, this book provides a clear, accessible account of the current state of play. Addressing definitions of health in individuals, communities and populations, definitions of society itself, changes in health over time and the contribution of healthcare to health and longevity, it also suggests ways of effectively tackling obstacles to improving health and healthcare in 21st century Britain.
Chapter One sets the scene by introducing the concepts of health and health care and goes on to consider historical and comparative data on international rates and causes of mortality. Low-, medium- and high-income countries are distinguished and their distinctive health profiles discussed. These data give a point of reference and departure for the ensuing chapters. Six types of sociology are also outlined, each offering its own agenda and approach to the study of health-related phenomena. This sextet includes ‘foresight’ and ‘action’ sociology, which call for an extension of orthodox sociological theory and research.
In the Introduction the complexity of defining and addressing the health of populations is discussed and it is argued that there is a need to see populations and societies as more than aggregates of individuals. This leads to a brief consideration of the concept of social structure and its causal powers, with a special emphasis on the role of social class. In considering people’s health, the importance of focusing on ‘condition’ as opposed to ‘opportunity’ is stressed and this is illustrated using a research study on social mobility in the UK. Working with the notion of a ‘healthy society’ is commended, and the foci and contents of the books’ chapters are indicated.
The focus of Chapter Three is on health care. It shows how class relations in general, and the changing dynamic between class relations and state in particular, have precipitated a calculated political strategy post-1970s of undermining the precepts and practices of the National Health Service (NHS) in England and the United Kingdom. The decline of the NHS is charted in detail. In this context Chomsky’s formula – first, underfund public services to, second, create public dissatisfaction then, third, invite private health care providers to rescue ailing public services – is examined.
Chapter Seven extends the analysis of unequal global relations, but with special reference to the links between the human species, other species and the planet they inhabit. The concept and theories of the era of the Anthropocene are explicated in detail. The chapter acknowledges that nature is not external to and independent of humans in the Anthropocene, analyses the evidence for climate change, and focuses on the changing ‘stratified’ relations between humans and their habitat and the relevance of this for health and health care.
