This article discusses phase two of the ARCH project (Archiving Residential Children’s Homes), and in particular, the development of a co-designed ‘digital archive’ that stores everyday, shared events and experiences for care experienced young people who live in residential children’s homes. We present research with young people living in residential care, care workers and care experienced adults about the types of everyday information or records they would like to be able to store, share and access in the future. There was a desire for the digital archive to have a different feel and purpose to content recorded in individual case files, with easy access to the archive deemed important. There were mixed views about the representation of events and experiences and whether these should contain mainly ‘light-hearted’ events and experiences. Our research gives an insight into memory-keeping practices within a residential children’s home and invites questions about whose responsibility it is for gathering, filtering and treasuring childhood experiences.
In this article we explore Erich Fromm’s concept of hope within the context of contemporary social and political crises. We formulate two primary objections to his vision of a revolution of hope: the individualistic moralisation of societal problems, and the accusation that hope is persuasive and manipulative. By embedding Fromm’s ideas within a broader dialectical framework and engaging with Walter Benjamin’s thoughts on history, we reinterpret hope as a liminal, transformative state rather than a concrete, prescriptive notion. This reconceptualisation presents hope as a fundamental prerequisite for transformative political practice, emphasising its role in fostering active citizenship and collective social change. Ultimately, we argue for the critical importance of hope in navigating and overcoming the challenges of modernity.
This article explores the relationship between identity politics and the politics of difference, focusing especially on the tensions that characterise this relationship within progressive theories and political discourses, and on their implications. The development of the concepts of identity and difference, as well as their limits and possibilities, are examined in relation to several theorists: Slavoj Žižek, Jacques Derrida, Jacques Lacan, Julia Kristeva, Michel Foucault, Cornel West and Judith Butler. This is followed by a discussion of Fromm’s social psychology insofar as it anticipates the growing importance of the concepts of identity and difference within late modern culture, and insofar as it identifies a number of critical concerns around these concepts which remain relevant today.
Background:
The article analyses the policy engagement component of a research project on climate resilience in vulnerable communities that took place in Cape Town, South Africa. Conducted in 2022, the engagement included community and stakeholder events in three research sites, and a cross-cutting policy event with municipal officials, held at the end of the project. Importantly, this policy engagement process occurred in a context of political marginalisation, that is, one characterised by low trust, and little meaningful representation or even communication between these vulnerable communities and the city.
Aims and objectives:
This article examines the impact of policy engagement on political relations between local government and vulnerable communities.
Methods:
The overall methodology of the article is qualitative, using an illustrative case-study research design to unpack the subjective experiences of both government officials and residents of vulnerable communities. Primary data included many primary documents, direct observation of the engagements and post-event interviews.
Findings:
First, the engagement process created new ‘invented’ spaces for the representation of community perspectives to the city, and the city’s perspective to the community. Second, the engagement facilitated community self-representation through educating community members to advocate for their ideas in these new invented spaces. Third, this engagement tended to be more constructive and deliberative than polarising and confrontational.
Discussion and conclusions:
Drawing on the theoretical framework of ‘political mediation’, the policy engagement process is characterised as a positive instance of democratic mediation through ‘empowered representation’, with some specified limitations.
Background:
COVID-19 accentuated an evergreen dilemma in evidence-informed policy making: the imperative to synthesise the best available evidence with limited time to produce high quality synthesis. The pandemic prompted the adaptation of evidence synthesis practices to match the urgency of the crisis, and heightened demand by policy makers, while maintaining a focus on quality. This study documents the response to these challenges from the perspectives of those who produced evidence syntheses in Canada.
Methods:
A qualitative phenomenological study was conducted between October 2022 and January 2023. Data collection included interviews with 22 participants within 19 organisations across seven provinces. A thematic analysis was performed and reported narratively.
Results:
Evidence synthesis producers in Canada adapted in response to the demands of different types of requests during the pandemic. Participants described several key challenges in responding to end-users, in which a lack of knowledge of evidence synthesis processes and products prompted difficult questions and unrealistic expectations. They responded to the needs of evidence synthesis requestors by creating custom syntheses, utilising rapid review methodologies, emphasising limitations and incorporating recommendations into syntheses.
Discussion and conclusion:
The evidence synthesis field was able to adapt to pandemic challenges in valuable ways. Still, this experience accentuates disconnects between producers and users, including differing views on the purpose, methods, limitations and implementation of synthesis findings.
Violence against marriage migrants became a critical social issue in South Korea in the late 2000s, and the government instituted various measures in response, partially adopting civil society organisations’ demands to protect migrant women. However, men’s rights groups also mobilised shortly after to advocate for the rights of citizen-husbands under the slogan of ‘male victims of international marriages’. Their campaigns targeted both the unscrupulous commercial matchmakers and their deceitful migrant wives. This article situates the victimised men discourse as a backlash against violence against women campaigns to reverse policy gains in the protection of women’s rights. The article argues that government policies have legitimised such discourse and used flawed ‘data’ to justify their policies. This article uses as data complaints submitted to the Korea Consumer Agency, a government regulator for consumer disputes, about international marriages and focuses on their mentioning of sexual relations, intimacy and sexuality. By doing so, this article demonstrates that men’s rights as consumers of marriage brokerage services are behind their claims of victimhood, and the victimhood discourse undermines the safety and human rights of migrant women. Moreover, a close look at the database about ‘male victimhood’ reveals severe human rights violations against migrant women.
This study focuses on the bridging roles of grassroots community groups from migrant communities in Australia, specifically in the context of domestic and family violence (DFV). Through in-depth interviews with 15 victim-survivors and 16 practitioners and community volunteers of Korean heritage, the study examines how members of the Korean community are attempting to fill the gaps in social support for victim-survivors of DFV and what issues, barriers and limitations they face. The results indicate that community members face multiple barriers in their efforts to fill gaps in service, which in turn affects the quality of their response to victim-survivors. This study argues that the emergence of a peer-support network is a response and even a partial solution to those barriers and limitations, challenging the traditional community groups (for example, ethnic churches) that used to serve as a main platform for the Korean diasporic community in Australia. A deeper understanding and engagement with these emerging networks are needed to fill the gap in the work investigating DFV response and prevention within Australian-Asian communities.
The reactionary American intellectual Christopher Rufo has made German critical theorist Herbert Marcuse the centre of his campaign to purge the American academy of radical ideas and movements. Marcuse’s ideas have significant influence in contemporary psychosocial scholarship, so attacks on his work may have negative consequences for psychosocial scholars. Rufo’s critique of the influence of Marcuse’s ideas is mostly exaggerated but it contains elements of truth. This article will outline ways in which some of Marcuse’s ideas are echoed in elements of the contemporary left/liberal intellectual and political orthodoxy. We revisit the Fromm/Marcuse debate from the 1950s, and offer an analysis of why Rufo might have picked Marcuse for attack when Fromm might well have been a viable target, as Fromm was in the 1980s when he was famously scapegoated by Allan Bloom in The Closing of the American Mind (1987). I then offer an analysis of how Erich Fromm’s alternative psychosocial radicalism can help better defend the psychosocial perspective in mass politics than Marcuse’s framework. Fromm’s framework also offer a theoretical foundation for radical psychosocial studies that can help our field defend itself against the new McCarthyism of Rufo and his allies on the global right who are likely to attack radical psychosocial perspectives in the near future.
Background and objectives:
Gendered ageism refers to the intersectionality of age and gender bias and discrimination. It is widely prevalent and leads to inequality, injustice, oppression, exploitation and disempowerment of older women. In this study, we explore the impacts of gendered ageism on three areas of older women’s lives in three African countries. These areas are: (1) participation in public and political life and access to justice and law enforcement; (2) family relations, inheritance, and land and property ownership; and (3) violence, abuse and neglect.
Research design and methods:
Eighteen women aged 54–85 years were interviewed for this study. Thematic analysis was undertaken to identify and explore disempowering impacts of gendered ageism on their lives and rights.
Results:
In all areas of the participants’ lives, their lack of voice in their inability to make choices, to claim their rights and to participate meaningfully in decision-making were highlighted. These manifested in the suppression of their interests, opinions and aspirations in public life; denial of justice; prejudice and discrimination within family settings; exploitation, harassment, abandonment and violence; and an overall devaluation, dehumanisation and silencing of older women.
Discussion:
Women often outlive men and experience marginalisation for a greater proportion of their lives. Yet, their lived experiences receive limited acknowledgement and redressal. In developing countries, older women face multiple forms of oppression arising from gendered ageism. This study highlights such experiences with the expectation that this will generate awareness, garner support from stakeholders and help inform policies for the protection and equal treatment of older women.
