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This article examines the dialogic relationship between emotional reflexivity and emotional regime as it explores ‘the hukou puzzle’ in China. In theory, migrants in small- to medium-scale cities can transfer their hukou (household registration) to urban areas, yet are unwilling to do so in practice. Relying on six months’ ethnographic fieldwork and 60 in-depth interviews with ethnic migrant performers, this article argues that previous theorisation of the hukou puzzle neglects emotions and assumes migrants are making rational choices to maximise their profits. In reality, different emotions and feelings inform migrants’ reflexivity regarding an opaque migration regime, which highlights the crucial role of how they exercise their reflexivity in emotional and relational ways. Moreover, a neoliberal emotional regime at the Chinese societal level – which emphasises positive energy, happiness and ‘the China Dream’ – also significantly shapes migrants’ emotional reflexivity. This article points to the need to further explore the intersection between emotional reflexivity and emotional regime in relation to migration.

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It is widely acknowledged that to tackle global climate change, meat consumption needs to be reduced substantially, especially in wealthy nations, such as Denmark. A number of studies inspired by theories of practice have investigated various aspects of food practices and meat consumption, including their trajectories and material basis. However, the role of social interactions in organising food practitioners’ performances is still somewhat under-investigated. This article seeks to make up for this by showing some of the ways food practices are contingent on social interactions between practitioners.

The article investigates how the organisation of the performances of food practitioners are produced and reproduced through social interactions with other practitioners and what this means for the role of meat and animal products. This is done through an analysis of data from 27 interviews with young Danes who have reduced or are in the process of reducing their meat consumption and four network focus groups. The analysis shows how procedures, engagements and understandings tied to meat are established and contested through social interactions. This is used to show how differences in arrangements of social encounters provide very different terms for a construction of a mainly plant-based diet as normal. Finally, in the discussion, I argue that arrangements of social encounters can, in a similar way to material arrangements, induce and prefigure certain types of performances, and I discuss the implications of the results for intervention efforts aimed at reducing meat consumption.

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Social media are increasingly important tools in diplomacy. Diplomats are expected to use social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and Instagram to communicate with each other and with both the domestic and international publics. This form of communication involves displaying positive emotions to generate attention in a competitive information environment. Emotions are essential to managing perceptions, conveying signals and safeguarding state reputations in traditional diplomacy. Commercial demands of online performance, however, activate new dimensions and challenges in the management of emotions in diplomacy. As digital disinformation and populist campaigns have transgressed the boundaries of domestic public debate, diplomats must also display emotional restraint to contain and counter such influence. This article analyses how diplomats perceive the demands of digital diplomacy and how emotions are engaged in their efforts to perform competently both online and offline. The study draws on fieldwork and interviews with 13 European diplomats as well as document analysis of handbooks and training material used to transfer ‘emotional communication skills’ to diplomats. The study findings suggest that the demands of digital diplomacy are challenging traditional enactments of ‘the good diplomat’. In addition to the tensions between outreach and countering communication practices, the emotional labour in digital diplomacy extends beyond what we see on social media. Diplomats perceive the expectations of constant performance online to at times conflict with their professional role offline.

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In this conclusion, we first sketch out some of the feminist lines of sight on protest camps that the preceding chapters open up before unpicking some of the different stories about feminist mobilisation that emerge from attention to its entanglement with camps. In this way, we show how the book not only engages with protest camps anew, in terms both of their constraints and their limitations, but also reimagines feminism and its relation to protest and camps. We close by briefly suggesting some lines of further inquiry.

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In this chapter we trace the feminised, decolonising and revolutionary nature of reoccupations, re-existencias and escrevivências occurring in movement collectives in Ceará, Northeast Brazil: Mãos que Criam, a women’s cooperative that forms part of the Zé Maria de Tomé Movimento Sem Terra Settlement, and three collectives of Afro-Brazilian women poets and artisans of the periphery of Fortaleza. We explore what the sharing of herstories of popular movements and collectives can illuminate regarding reoccupations and defence – not only of physical territories of the rural and urban landscapes but also of the political and of the emancipatory political subject herself. We consider the implications for the politics of knowledge of engaging with such praxis. We focus therefore on pluralising and provincialising conceptualisation, and foreground how this necessarily involves the decolonising of reason bound by modern/coloniality and the enfleshment of epistemology. In particular, we dwell and bring to thought in relation the concepts of the ‘feminisation of resistance’, escrevivência and the gramática da dor e alegria, and their interweaving with the concept and practice of reoccupation.

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Entanglements, Critiques and Re-Imaginings

This ground-breaking collection interrogates protest camps as sites of gendered politics and feminist activism.

Drawing on case studies that range from Cold War women-only peace camps to more recent mixed-gender examples from around the world, diverse contributors reflect on the recurrence of gendered, racialised and heteronormative structures in protest camps, and their potency and politics as feminist spaces.

While developing an intersectional analysis of the possibilities and limitations of protest camps, this book also tells new and inspiring stories of feminist organising and agency. It will appeal to feminist theorists and activists, as well as to social movement scholars.

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The global wave of social movement struggles between 2011 and 2014 witnessed a revival of encampments as a form of protest. Protest camps were primarily considered as sites of everyday, prefigurative politics, in which an alternative future could be constructed in the here and now. Feminist and queer approaches to encampments, however, have cast light on the prevalence of structural power within them. Through an analysis of the 15-M anti-austerity movement in several Spanish cities in 2011 and of a feminist camp established for International Women’s Day 2020 in Valencia, this chapter will explore both the possibilities and boundaries of protest camps as a form of resistance. It will discuss how safety may be built through recognition strategies that give account of other subjectivities with intersectional vulnerabilities, and how horizontality is always stratified by power. Finally, the chapter updates the concept of woman-only spaces, thanks to the inclusion of Spanish transfeminist experiences in the feminist encampment. From this perspective, if non-mixed camps constantly revise their dynamics of inclusion and exclusion, they can function as a starting point for the recognition of marginal subjectivities and thus for a more genuinely inclusive and transformative politics.

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The 1983 Pine Gap Women’s Peace Camp held in central Australia was inspired by Greenham Common Women’s Peace Camp in the UK and conceived as one of its international support actions. In this chapter, however, I want to reorient this origin story to remember it as a protest site on Aboriginal land rather than one primarily derived from Greenham Common. Protest camps are capable of holding multiple meanings and reorienting the focus can produce new insights and engagements. This particular feature, of Australia’s relatively recent colonising history, differentiates the politics of Australian protest camps from other global protests. Taking three key ‘scenes’ from the archives of the Pine Gap protest camp around racism, men and policing, this chapter constructs key encounters between women protestors through their entanglements and engagements while doing feminism on Aboriginal land.

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