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This commentary calls for GPE to reconsider its neglect of leisure. It traces growing overlaps between leisure and digital economies through the case of fintech in men’s elite football, focusing on the growing issuance of blockchain-based digital tokens by clubs and leagues worldwide since 2018. The fan token example is used to illustrate how locating seemingly esoteric developments more widely in digitisation trends politicises leisure activities. It suggests that a focus on infrastructuring and governing in particular may help draw attention to the politics of contemporary transnational activities that blur the boundaries between sectors as well as work/leisure in the digital age.

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Several studies have examined whether attitudinal factors make people more willing to accept political elites violating basic democratic norms. However, the role of more basic socio-demographic characteristics, such as gender, remains underexplored. This may be a mistake, as studies suggest that these influence the evaluation of democratic transgressions. We focus on the role of gender in evaluations of democratic transgressions and re-examine data from two conjoint experiments conducted in Finland. We examine whether the gender of the politician violating democratic norms matters, whether the gender of the person judging the democratic violations matters, and whether it matters for the evaluation of the democratic violation when both the candidate and the respondent are of the same gender. Our results indicate that gender plays at best a limited role, as we find no evidence that candidate gender or the gender of the respondent matters for the evaluations.

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Deliberative mini-publics are forums for citizen deliberation composed of randomly selected citizens convened to yield policy recommendations. These forums have proliferated in recent years but there are no generally accepted standards to govern their practice. Should there be? We answer this question by bringing the scholarly literature on citizen deliberation into dialogue with the lived experience of the people who study, design and implement mini-publics. We use Q methodology to locate five distinct perspectives on the integrity of mini-publics, and map the structure of agreement and dispute across them. We find that, across the five viewpoints, there is emerging consensus as well as divergence on integrity issues, with disagreement over what might be gained or lost by adapting common standards of practice, and possible sources of integrity risks. This article provides an empirical foundation for further discussion on integrity standards in the future.

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Aspiring parents who are unable to have biological children increasingly rely on gestational surrogacy. This practice, while long-standing, remains controversial. Despite domestic prohibitions, several states are considering liberalising access to the process. Surrogacy regulations are complex. Debates on potential reforms are often multidimensional and raise issues about, among other features, access to bodily agency, economic compensation and exploitation, and transnational trafficking. This article leverages a pre-registered conjoint experiment in Britain, where surrogacy reforms are actively being pursued, to identify which regulatory features can garner public support. The results indicate higher levels of public support for reforms that offer moderate financial compensation, facilitate access for non-heterosexual couples, permit overseas surrogacy arrangements, require legally binding guardianship transfers from birth and have cross-party backing. Subgroup analysis shows minimal gender-based differences but some large differences based on respondents’ sexuality, identity and partisanship.

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The recent rise in anti-feminist resistance in Europe, occurring within a longer history of unravelling feminist policy gains, poses significant challenges for feminists. While scholars have closely examined resistance in cases characterised by significant equality backsliding, little is known about the contexts where anti-feminist actors are marginal and resistance is more inconspicuous. This article contributes to gender and politics scholarship, applying an integrated feminist institutionalist framework to a best-case scenario of progressive policymaking sustained over two decades: Scottish domestic abuse policymaking. Using documentary analysis and expert interviews, it traces the evolution of a form of anti-feminist resistance known as ‘whataboutery’ from 1998 to 2018. It argues that despite being positioned as losers in the debate, resistors have achieved considerable success in shaping policy trajectories and feminist strategies. The study sheds light on how feminist actors navigate real and anticipated threats to equality, illuminating the unintended consequences of women’s movements’ framing strategies.

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Drawing on and responding to the articles in this special collection, this provocation makes the case that realising justice in education requires a focus on the processes and politics of justice-oriented reform in postcolonial, low- and middle-income counties (LMICs). In implementing reform, it is argued that it is crucial to take account of similarities and differences in context between LMICs. At the heart of reform must be a holistic, coherent and systemic approach at the level of the education system of the institution. Key priorities include reforming the curriculum, investing in educators as agents of change and developing endogenous system leadership that can drive justice-oriented reform. Here, however, it is necessary to engage with the politics of justice-oriented reform, including challenging global, neoliberal agendas, democratising the governance of education and engaging with popular struggles for social, epistemic, transitional and environmental justice.

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In 2017, the Swedish parliament committed to making the country fossil-free by 2045, prompting an exploration of experiences and perceptions of transition in three cities hosting carbon-intensive industries – steel, cement and petrochemicals, which currently top the list of Sweden’s industrial emitters. From 2019 to 2024, a Swedish–UK research team employed conventional qualitative methods to gather insights from various stakeholders, including industry, municipal actors, and residents, supplemented by arts-based research methods for co-creating data on affective-emotional life in transition towns. This article argues that arts-based research serves as a valuable tool for accounting for and understanding affective-emotional life in frontline transition towns. The arts-based research (ABR) challenges prevailing technocratic and rational frameworks, aligning with ecofeminist Val Plumwood’s call to address the ‘ecological crisis of reason’ that serves to inhibit achieving sustainable futures. The primary value of this article lies in its contribution to the development and refinement of ABR within the context of just transition studies that I argue can help add citizen perspectives and consideration of affective-emotional life to the just transition discourse.

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This article examines how international lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (LGBTI) activism is governed through state funding. Through archival material documenting the Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency’s (SIDA’s) funding of two international LGBTI organizations – the International Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual, Trans and Intersex Association and the Swedish Federation of LGBTQI Rights – complemented with interviews, we analyse power relations and management practices, how these are reconciled with SIDA’s efforts to make LGBTI funding more partner oriented, and the consequences for recipients. Our main finding is that within the funding schemes, control is exercised in less direct, hierarchical and overt ways than seems to be implied in some critiques of donor influence and ‘neocolonialism’ in the Western promotion of LGBTI rights. Instead, government takes place in multifaceted and horizontal ways, involving a variety of actors, which makes the exercise of power less visible but nonetheless far-reaching. Through SIDA’s funding schemes, power relations are reproduced in specific ways, including the partial reshaping of activist organizations into bureaucratized and depoliticized state ‘partners’.

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