This chapter explores how opportunities developed with local authorities, community groups and youth projects can enable young people, particularly those from minority ethnic groups, to raise their political consciousness, by engaging them in critical dialogue around the issues that affect their lives. It discusses three types of projects that use interactive informal political education to help young people develop forms of representation, grow a sense of agency and make a difference. The first involves self-organised political organisations that are community based and led by Black or minority ethnic adults. A second is devised by mainstream youth-oriented organisations to take account of Black and minority ethnic young people’s concerns. The third is led by local authorities and service providers when it can help public bodies and young people learn to acknowledge differences, respect dissent and cooperate on finding solutions.
This chapter sets out how inadequate political understanding has made it easier for democracy to be undermined by fallacious claims being accepted and dubious policies going unchallenged. It warns against the growing proliferation of anti-democratic practices, which, in the name of impartiality, set out to prevent people from raising their level of political literacy and becoming more informed in their engagement with public policy issues. It makes the case for better political education by highlighting the current barriers, pointing to techniques that can be applied to secure improvement, and indicating what research findings can be drawn on to develop educational approaches that will have positive long-term impact. It serves as an introduction to the detailed exposition provided in each of the subsequent chapters of the book.
This chapter draws on the authors’ extensive review of citizenship education practices to identify what should be done to prepare young people more effectively to act as democratic citizens. They consider the impact of different school-based experiments and the feedback from experienced subject specialist teachers, and set out recommendations that include: raising political literacy through better understanding of and working with public bodies and politicians; learning more about the spread of misinformation and conspiracy theories, improving media and digital literacy, and increasing awareness of how to check public claims and assess the legitimacy of information sources; recognising problems of inequality and exploring how to pursue social justice; being alert to extremist rhetoric and propaganda, and working with others to tackle the spread of extremism; and engaging with the threats posed by climate change, and collaborating with others to advance sustainability.
This chapter looks at the challenge posed by ‘divisive concepts’ and how they have been invoked by some politicians to prevent certain issues from being taught or discussed at school. It points to policies being taken forward in the US, and argues that, instead of allowing partisan legislators to impose their preferences regarding what should or should not be taught, teachers should be given the support and protection to engage their students in considering issues, arguments and perspectives that need to be addressed in a civil and constructive manner. It warns of the danger that teachers may retreat further from political education out of fear of prosecution, and sets out why democracy needs citizens to learn about building strong relations that would enable them to engage with controversial matters and become, not more polarised, but more connected through shared understanding even when they disagree.
This book brings together leading experts on teaching democracy to explore why and how the gap in civic learning should be bridged. It examines the issues in the context of countries such as the UK and the US, where the provision of political/citizenship education has not been given high policy priority and its development has been held back by fear that any attempt to advance it beyond the most basic level would be challenged for being ideologically biased. It argues why democracy should enable citizens to play an informed role in determining how power is exercised for their common wellbeing, and how this can only happen if people have the understanding, skills and confidence to engage effectively in public affairs. Otherwise, any voting system can be subverted to serve the interests of propagandists and demagogues. Drawing on research findings and case examples from the UK, the US and elsewhere, this book sets out why change is necessary, what could be taught differently to ensure effective political engagement, and how a lasting impact in improving citizens’ political literacy and capacity for democratic participation can be made.
This chapter examines how academic freedom has, in some cases, been invoked to stop academic institutions from excluding false, hateful and other objectionable expressions, but in other cases discarded when educators are required to teach mandated contents. It questions the partisan nature of such policies that are far from impartial, and explains that free speech must be balanced against diversity and inclusion. It explains why academic freedom needs to be considered in relation to the production of knowledge and the development of a democratic society. Controversies are examined in the sociopolitical context of universities and schools in the UK, with reference to government policy positions. As a way forward, it points to how concerns for safety and justice can be reconciled with academic freedom in helping citizens learn to participate democratically.
This chapter considers the problematic issues raised by attempts to teach students their civic and national identity. It contrasts experiences in diverse places such as Colombia, Hong Kong and Catalonia, and explores what can be learnt in developing political education in any liberal democracy influenced by Anglo-American political culture. Three main types of approach are examined: partisan approaches (both nationalistic and anti-nationalistic), which cannot generate a common identity when people feel differently about who they are; deliberative approaches, which tend to neglect real worldview clashes and overrely on rational analysis that can marginalise people who are not used to formal reasoning practices; and agonistic approaches, which call for the pedagogies of articulation (talking through one’s experiences), differences (reflecting on the origins of assumptions) and equivalences (getting together to share and express ideas in response to common concerns).
This chapter examines findings from research on citizenship education to see what learning methods tend to raise the level of engagement in political activities such as voting, protest and joining a political party. It explains why the evidence suggests we need to apply the principle of ‘learning as acquisition’ to transmit political knowledge from teachers to students as a first step in enabling young people to have a better understanding of politics, as well as the principle of ‘learning as participation’ to facilitate the co-creation of meaning that develops young people’s competences that lead to future engagement. It recommends that more should be done to ensure that learning opportunities are fairly shared through methods such as maintaining an open classroom climate; overseeing inclusive activities from class councils to mock elections; contextualising debates in local politics; and using interactive methodologies to enhance political knowledge, efficacy and participation.
This book brings together leading experts on teaching democracy to explore why and how the gap in civic learning should be bridged. It examines the issues in the context of countries such as the UK and the US, where the provision of political/citizenship education has not been given high policy priority and its development has been held back by fear that any attempt to advance it beyond the most basic level would be challenged for being ideologically biased. It argues why democracy should enable citizens to play an informed role in determining how power is exercised for their common wellbeing, and how this can only happen if people have the understanding, skills and confidence to engage effectively in public affairs. Otherwise, any voting system can be subverted to serve the interests of propagandists and demagogues. Drawing on research findings and case examples from the UK, the US and elsewhere, this book sets out why change is necessary, what could be taught differently to ensure effective political engagement, and how a lasting impact in improving citizens’ political literacy and capacity for democratic participation can be made.
This book brings together leading experts on teaching democracy to explore why and how the gap in civic learning should be bridged. It examines the issues in the context of countries such as the UK and the US, where the provision of political/citizenship education has not been given high policy priority and its development has been held back by fear that any attempt to advance it beyond the most basic level would be challenged for being ideologically biased. It argues why democracy should enable citizens to play an informed role in determining how power is exercised for their common wellbeing, and how this can only happen if people have the understanding, skills and confidence to engage effectively in public affairs. Otherwise, any voting system can be subverted to serve the interests of propagandists and demagogues. Drawing on research findings and case examples from the UK, the US and elsewhere, this book sets out why change is necessary, what could be taught differently to ensure effective political engagement, and how a lasting impact in improving citizens’ political literacy and capacity for democratic participation can be made.
