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This article examines the theft of migrant workers’ wages in England by their employers, drawing from original accounts and testimonies of a sample of workers employed between 2018 and 2023. It builds on and establishes new conceptual understandings of wage theft by examining it as a violent form of accumulation, with a range of logics and functions including those which are connected to labour processes and the management of labour forces. In making this argument, the article situates the theft of migrant workers’ wages – in this context at least – at the apex of at least three convergent dynamics: namely, the contours of immigration control and attacks on migrants’ rights, a reworking and undermining of regulatory structures relating to labour protections, and ongoing forms of labour market restructuring. As such, it suggests that these dynamics are structural; and furthermore, at a point where each of these policy trajectories is being aggressively pursued, they are intensifying. In dominant narratives wage theft is frequently depicted as something carried out by ‘rogue’ employers, at the margins of labour markets. But in contrast, this article suggests it must be understood as a structurally-situated component of contemporary political economy. Indeed, it is a core contention of the analysis that follows that movements to resist and tackle wage theft must acknowledge these broader connections and the broader political economy of which they are a part.

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Feminists disagree about how best to understand and respond to gendered violence. Disagreements can be due, among other things, to the diversity of feminist perspectives and modes of organisation, different socioeconomic and political contexts, and different conceptions of the state and community. In this article, we explore grassroots feminist discourses on gendered violence in Albania and Kosovo. The two countries have been heavily impacted by gendered violence, but they are also home to a significant grassroots feminist mobilisation. Starting from images and imagination that have characterised this mobilisation, by using the photo-elicitation method, we interview feminist activists and academics about the ways in which they understand and interpret gendered violence, and the strategies and interventions they deem most relevant in addressing it. We offer a contextualised critique of feminist discourses and responses to gendered violence, while highlighting the contradictions and tensions that exist in such discourses and practices.

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This article focuses on sex work governance within multi-agency partnerships and initiatives in Wales. By engaging with notions of carceral humanism, this article seeks to make tangible the ways in which multi-agency partnerships co-opt and assimilate criminologists, activists, third-sector and community organisations, so that partisan commitments to advancing sex workers’ rights are transformed to bipartisan support for non-competing carceral frameworks and solutions. It argues that there is a process of carceral bifurcation that enables narratives of safeguarding and sex work to be utilised to strengthen non-competing carceral conceptualisations of, and solutions to, sex work.

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The NHS is now firmly positioned as a site of immigration control. As the Hostile Environment filters further into the NHS the principle of universality is increasingly disputed. As such, paradoxically, harm is reproduced through an institution which is intended to provide care. Despite the increasing breadth of recognition of the implications of charging migrants within the NHS in England, insights into specific practices within Wales are limited. Therefore, this research starts to address this paucity by providing initial insights into the extent of NHS charging within Wales.

The results from multiple freedom of information (FOI) requests sent to all seven health boards in Wales (carried out between January 2019 and August 2023) suggest that NHS treatment charging is common at scale across all health boards providing secondary care in Wales. In some instances, patients are being charged 150% of the cost of their treatment, and a significant number of patients are being incorrectly charged for care. It also appears that many patients have difficulty paying these charges, with significant outstanding invoices and many health boards resorting to using debt-collection agencies and/or payment plans in an attempt to elicit payment, and patients’ details being shared with the UK Home Office as a result.

Considering the harms which are produced through NHS charging regulations, campaigners and advocates including Patients Not Passports Wales call for charging regulations to be withdrawn from the NHS in Wales and across the UK.

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Responding to an earlier article () by two scholars involved in convict criminology at Westminster University and a third from the US, this article mounts a defence of the British Convict Criminology group against the analysis and conclusions of the first article. We argue that convict criminology is diverse and needs to embrace different approaches that correspond to national circumstances, both in prisons and universities. We suggest that far from stagnating, convict criminology in the UK is beginning to thrive and has much to offer critical criminology. This offer is strengthened by adopting critical and convivial academic practice supportive of people’s various efforts and experiences in British prisons and British universities. Our article offers a critical engagement with issues of nomenclature, convictism and coloniality which we believe will be important for an inclusive convict criminology for the future.

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Following the armed conflict in the former Yugoslavia, a new criminology of war developed, producing fresh insights and opening up original research streams. The incorporation of war within the remit of criminological analysis, advocated by classical as well as critical criminology, rapidly gained new momentum. The focus on asymmetrical conflicts and invasions unveiled the massive killing of civilians, bringing war into the arena of victimology. Moreover, the examination of the material forces that drive international conflicts situated such conflicts among the violent predatory offences that concern most criminological theories. The study of ‘war crimes’, ultimately, led some authors to shift attention towards ‘war as crime’. After briefly summarising the developments that shaped a criminology of war, this paper attempts further analytical steps towards the formulation of a criminology against war. A critique of the concept of ‘just wars’ is followed by the examination of the ambiguities that cloud the notions of jus ad bellum and jus in bello. Current legal provisions regulating international conflict are described as blank norms, while principles of peacebuilding are finally pinpointed.

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This paper is concerned with the exercise of penal power over families affected by imprisonment, and the implications for legitimacy and inclusion. Imprisonment imposes harms upon families, however theories as to how this shapes attitudes towards the justice system and feelings of citizenship are still developing. This paper brings together insights from prison sociology and Lukes’ radical conceptualisation of power to argue that prison rules are the most ‘solid’ dimension of power which families encounter, and therefore it is the day-to-day decisions of officers which are most likely to be challenged. However, by excluding families from decision-making spaces, and shaping beliefs about what actions are possible and desirable, the justice system also exercises power over families in more diffuse ways which, while they provoke less resistance, are just as damaging to citizenship and inclusion.

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Less than 10% of migrants in immigration detention in the UK are women, despite high-profile cases such as Yarl’s Wood IRC, and so previous research concerned with the experience of detention focuses on the general migrant population which consists mainly of men. Therein lies an uncomfortable gendered nexus between a feminised vulnerability which sustains anti-detention narratives and the somatic masculinity of the detention estate. The experiences of men are treated as the norm, despite the differing and gendered experiences of detained women.

This article addresses this gap by drawing together theoretical and empirical literature focusing on the experiences of migrant women detained in the UK and conceptualising Immigration Removal Centres (IRCs) as a microcosm through which to theorise the control and dehumanisation of migrant bodies within the contemporary context of the ‘Hostile Environment’. In particular, this article pays close attention to the intersection of gender and immigration status for migrant detainees as their experiences of pregnancy, sex work and sexual violence implicate how they experience detention.

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Six unarmed men were shot dead by the British Army in the New Lodge area of Belfast in the North of Ireland on the 3rd and 4th February 1973. Collectively, these men are known as the New Lodge Six. There has never been a public inquiry into how or why they died. Eyewitnesses were not interviewed and there was a terrifying absence of police investigation into why six unarmed men were killed by British forces. No British soldiers were ever prosecuted in relation to this case. This intervention outlines what happened to the six unarmed men and how the British Army claimed the New Lodge Six were involved in a gun battle with troops. The intervention has three interlocking aims. Firstly, the aim is to draw attention to the case following the 50th anniversary of the shootings. Secondly, the intervention calls for a public inquiry into the New Lodge Six killings, which share troubling similarities with the shooting of unarmed civilians on Bloody Sunday twelve months earlier. Finally, the aim is to position the case within the context of other conflict-related killings and to highlight the injustice of the Northern Ireland Troubles (Legacy and Reconciliation) Bill, which is currently making its way through the British Parliament.

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Who ordered the feminicide of Rio de Janeiro councilwoman Marielle Franco on 14 March 2018? Our response draws on feminist language criminology in an era of misogyny; and it admits the hypothesis of a quantum causality (or imputation by remote symbiosis), which serves as explanatory model, for instance, of the intellectual authorship of crimes executed by radical members of Latin American political sects (Bolsonarism, Kirchnerism, and so on). Such connatural followers are so psychically entangled with their charismatic leader that they begin to act on the same frequency as him, even spontaneously eliminating eventual threats.

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