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Convict Criminology is based on the belief that the convict’s voice has been traditionally marginalized in scholarship and policy debates, and that its inclusion can positively impact the fields of corrections, criminology, criminal justice, and policy making.

Designed for students worldwide, Introduction to Convict Criminology is the first sole-authored book to organize and explain current scholarship on this subject, and how it applies to the fields of corrections, criminology, and criminal justice in an accessible manner. From activism to the emergence of undergraduate programs in jails and prisons, it provides a clear guide to the complexities of the field. It features:

• in-depth discussion of the challenges and solutions that Convict Criminology has focused on;

• exhibit boxes;

• end-of-book keywords;

• Publisher’s companion web page that includes test questions -including multiple choice, short answer and essay format.

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Scientific research ethics are challenged today by the risk of misusing research results that could adversely affect or harm both individuals and their environment. In the ethics literature, such risks have been linked to the possibility of research results falling into the wrong hands, that is, for criminal or terrorist purposes. However, crime data misuse can also affect policy makers’ decisions and lead to discrimination, stigmatization, harassment and intimidation of citizens. From a two-fold perspective, this chapter examines the potential misuse of crime data caused by policy decisions: (1) outlining the ethical scope of potential misuses in European security research; and (2) proposing recommendations to minimize this risk based on a ‘Mutual Distrust Model’ between researchers and policy makers.

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‘Human trafficking’ represents a complex global concern plagued by definitional ambiguities, ideological disagreements, and the (un)intended harmful consequences of anti-trafficking measures. Despite well-established critical scholarship that exposes the ‘collateral damage’ caused by these measures, research funding continues to support top down research endeavours aimed at identifying, rescuing, sorting, labelling, classifying, and rehabilitating vulnerable people on the move. These colonial forms of research often justify harmful anti-trafficking measures; producing new measures that often neglect the experiences and perceptions of the targets of such interventions. Whilst it is recognised that anti-trafficking research carries a problematic political epistemology, researchers often argue that there is a need for more research on ‘trafficking victims’ or ‘survivors’. In this chapter, I caution against exclusive victim-centred research, which may deepen boundaries between deserving and undeserving subjects of knowledge and protection. To address this concern, I provide a detailed account in this chapter of an academic Participatory Action Research (PAR) conducted in a post-disaster Himalayan location in Nepal, often stigmatized as a ‘hotspot’ of human trafficking. This PAR engages with people considered as targets of anti-trafficking who are attempting to undo the stigma of trafficking attached to their place. In this chapter, I illustrate the messy sites, capturing tensions, failures, and emotionally charged moments that lead to disruptions during the research process. These disruptions raise questions about both the perception and translation of dense power relations and the significance of the knowledge produced amid multiplicity for everyone involved in the research process. Through this chapter, I advocate for an inclusive and situated approach to trafficking research that acknowledges the full spectrum of mobility and labour experiences, challenging dominant trafficking research that deepen boundaries between victims and non-victims.

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In the post-Brexit context increased attention is (correctly) being paid to the heightened risks of labour exploitation for EU migrants. The removal of free movement-facilitated access to the labour market, and the loss of associated social rights stemming from Union citizenship, contribute to the enhanced vulnerability of EU migrants to exploitative treatment. However, even under the auspices of the free movement framework, exploitation has been part of (some) EU migrants’ experiences in the UK labour market over many years. In particular, migrants from the Central and Eastern European (CEE) states that acceded to the EU in 2004 and 2007 have been more heavily concentrated in sectors of the labour market in which slippage along the continuum from poor treatment in employment to more severe forms of labour exploitation is more common. These migrants have had a higher visibility as victims of the types of exploitation deemed to constitute modern slavery than EU migrants from the older member states. This can be traced back to the way in which ‘free’ movement was extended to the new EU citizens at the time of EU enlargement. CEE accession migrants’ access to the labour market was conditioned on their willingness to carry out low-skilled roles to plug gaps in the (pre-2008 financial crash) labour market. The curtailed nature of the original access rights has ongoing implications for the treatment that migrants from the CEE accession states experience in the workplace. Moreover, the restrictive trajectory of immigration policy generally, and the move towards limiting support for those identified as victims of modern slavery specifically – encapsulated in the Nationality and Borders Act 2022 and Illegal Migration Act 2023 – offers little solace for the future to any migrants who experience exploitation in the UK.

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There is nothing new or uniquely modern about exploitation. Yet this idea of ‘newness’ continues to dominate, with numerous exploitative practices drawn under the elastic construct of modern slavery and/or human trafficking. The image on the front cover was therefore selected not simply because it is aesthetically appealing but also because the kaleidoscope represents how this interdisciplinary volume has been drawn together. A kaleidoscope is traditionally thought of as a toy ‘consisting of a tube containing mirrors and pieces of coloured glass or paper, whose reflections produce changing patterns that are visible through an eyehole when the tube is rotated’. This creation of constantly changing patterns or the sequence of objects and elements illustrates both the issue of modern slavery and its perceived ‘newness’. The contributors interrogate the construct of modern slavery and anti-trafficking discourse which have dominated contemporary responses to and understandings of exploitation. Through providing insights and evidence we need to continue navigating a different path – beyond the racialized legacy of anti-trafficking and fears of modern slavery

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This chapter explores the potential for administrative data to improve police policy and decision making by focusing on how to incorporate a critical reflection into the analysis and interpretation of administrative data by understanding its construction. To do this, we focus on Police Recorded Crime as the key source of administrative data in policing in England and Wales. We then evaluate where policing is currently in terms of understanding the need for and having the skills to undertake this critical reflection, based on work undertaken with 60 police analysts from the North of England in 2018/19 as part of the N8 Policing Research Partnership. Finally, we look to the future and raise the issue of the place of the police analysts in the policing institution, considering what they currently contribute and what they could contribute to police policy and decision making.

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Modern slavery is a contested and confusing issue. In recent years significant critiques have emerged of the mainstream approach that frames modern slavery as an individualized relationship linked to economic underdevelopment. This chapter addresses two such critiques: weak historicity and the lack of analysis of power relations, particularly the role of the state. This chapter applies the concept of ‘coloniality of power’ – which involves two interrelated processes of racialized categorization and the articulation of forms of labour control to produce commodities for the world market – to cases of exploitation in post-independence Latin America. The chapter draws on documentary and field research to analyse state responses to modern slavery in the guano and rubber sectors in Peru’s neocolonial state; and to the exploitation and abuse of Indigenous Guaraní in Bolivia’s ‘decolonizing’ state under the government of Evo Morales. The chapter finds a coloniality approach to have strong utility, focusing attention on overlooked interconnections between racialization, labour control, and global capitalism. It also reveals that, far from a simple enforcer of laws, the state’s role is ambiguous. While the Bolivian case provides some evidence that states can act to reduce vulnerability, more often they help to create the conditions for exploitation under the pretext of ‘development’. In both cases the state’s prioritization of capitalism saw it reproduce racialized divisions and deepen vulnerability. These findings call for a reorientation of modern slavery scholarship and practice towards critical engagement with colonial legacies, global capitalism, and the state.

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With the rise of evidence-informed approaches to criminal justice, new models of data-driven decision making and the emergence of predictive analytics and other new tools for understanding and employing crime data, the field of crime research has grown substantially over the past decade. The fuel that drives that growth is data. In this edited collection, we present a comprehensive volume of chapters from some of the leading crime scientists from around the world. Researchers, crime analysts and others working with crime data from across four continents and seven countries provide rich discussions of some of the strengths, perils and opportunities provided by the range of data sources, tools, techniques and topics now available. Aimed at a diverse audience – including students, academic researchers, police practitioners, crime analysts and public policy makers – our goal in this book is to make crime data and analysis accessible and interesting. This book will thus appeal to readers who are interested in learning more about the varieties of data types and sources that can and is informing contemporary criminal justice research.

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Social network analysis (SNA) is an approach concerned with analysing networks of relations and interactions among a defined set of actors. In recent years, SNA has become known as a useful tool for analysing a wide range of criminal networks, including networks of serious financial crime. However, using SNA in the study of crime is hindered by the aim of actors involved in these to conceal their interactions, making data collection complicated. These complications stem from issues with data availability, validity and reliability. To tackle these issues, we first introduce a framework for thinking about six aspects of network data collection: nodes, ties, attributes, levels, dynamics and context. In the light of this framework, we subsequently review three types of data sources usable for analysing financial crime networks in the context of the United Kingdom. These data sources are documents accompanying Deferred Prosecution Agreements, enforcement case files and commercial transaction data. We illustrate the contents of each of these data sources together with their potential for extracting network data and the types of conclusions that can be drawn through analysing them. These data sources share common problems in being of a secondary non-scientific nature and being prone to contain missing information. In conclusion, we illustrate further uses of SNA and possible extensions of the introduced data sources to other types of criminal networks and jurisdictions beyond the United Kingdom.

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This chapter interrogates the knowledge production process embedded in global anti-trafficking policy initiatives, as reflected in the annual US Trafficking in Persons Report (hereafter, TIPR). Using the conceptual framework of coloniality, we undertake content analysis of the TIPRs 2001–20. We show that policy interventions are still central in imposing colonial frameworks of knowledge and interventions globally and locally. Three main findings emerge from the content analysis: first, the references to ‘Indigenous communities’ and ‘Indigenous victims’ have been amplified over time. Specifically, from 2003 onwards there is a gradual but clear trend towards more of these references appearing in each subsequent iteration of the Report. Thus, there is a shift from a state of silence towards both wider visibility and labelling Indigenous victims of trafficking as extremely vulnerable. Second, these references portray Indigenous communities and individuals in relation to human trafficking as either ‘at risk’, ‘at high risk’, ‘particularly vulnerable’, or ‘most vulnerable’. While Indigenous victimization is becoming more visible, in most instances the problem is framed as human traffickers preying on individual victims or on certain communities, rather than recognizing how the continuous impact of the colonial matrix of power (that is, coloniality) permeates Indigenous lives including their victimization. Third, there is a clear geographical clustering around the regions of Central Africa, Central and South America, and South East Asia, which reflects global imperial hierarchies of power. Based on our findings we argue that the reports are infused with colonial systems of thought, which inflict and reproduce epistemic violence and colonial relations of power locally and internationally.

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