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Drawing on prisoners’ accounts, this article explores how mitigation strategies adopted to contain the spread of the virus in prison shaped their everyday prison life. The article, using Stauffer’s concept of ethical loneliness, sheds light on the different ways in which a sense of abandonment was experienced by 26 detained individuals interviewed in a prison in Northern Italy, with a focus on the role of the State regarding the measures implemented (and not implemented) and, on an everyday basis, those of the prison staff. Participants’ narratives tell us how, even during the dramatic emergency of the pandemic, prisoners were conceived as stigmatised and otherised individuals where the issue of security, far from being understood in terms of health protection, continued to take on repressive connotations.

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Since the 1970s, important struggles were won to improve the ‘publicness’ of gender-based violence (GBV) in Norway. Since 2000, the Ministry of Justice has coordinated policy work to combat GBV for the Norwegian government. In 2010, a Shelter Act made the provision of domestic violence shelters by local governments mandatory. This article turns to the question of how a public responsibility for GBV was established, and how dedicated public policy, legislation, funding, and services were subsequently realised. This article identifies the crucial actors, factors, and conditions that have had the greatest influence on agenda-setting, policy development and decision making in the policy cycle. Analysis is based on 22 interviews, policy analysis and previous Norwegian studies that have theorised about the success, how it came about, and the decisive factors in achieving change. Participants of this study were academics, activists, specialist service providers, politicians, lawyers, survivor-advocates, and political advisors. In exploring campaigning for change with participants, the study uncovered fault lines within gender equality and violence scholarship and public policy in Norway that may help explain why GBV is still commonplace. The article offers future directions for policy and research that reflect on these discursive exclusions and normative assumptions.

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Child- and adolescent-to-parent violence and abuse (CAPVA) has gained recognition over the past decade and, to an extent, gained momentum on the violence against women and girls (VAWG) policy agenda. However, CAPVA remains subordinate to the omnipresent problem of violence and abuse perpetrated by current and former intimate partners, as do responses to this often-hidden form of violence. This was especially apparent during the peak of the COVID-19 pandemic and consequent social restrictions, when many parent victims of CAPVA faced a silent struggle of enforced proximity with their violent and/or abusive child alongside a significant drop in respite and means of support. In this article, we present research findings from a project conducted during the 2020 lockdown period in the UK, examining parents’ experiences of CAPVA and support during this period, as well as practitioners’ experiences of providing support. In addition to revealing that over two-thirds of parents reported an increase in CAPVA during the initial lockdown, our discussion highlights the need for sustained recognition and attention to be afforded to CAPVA, so that systematic, strategic, and evidence-based nationwide responses can be developed, including adequate risk assessment processes, safeguarding measures and support.

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The goal of this study is to identify the extent to which a set of risk factors from the ecological model are associated with intimate partner sexual violence victimisation in Mexico.

To achieve this goal, a structured additive probit model is applied to a dataset of 35,004 observations and 42 correlates.

Findings indicate that age at sexual initiation, women’s sexual and professional autonomy, and social connectedness are associated with their victimisation risks.

The findings provide evidence of factors that were previously unknown in Mexico or were solely based on theory but lacking empirical analysis. There are four key contributions. First, findings indicate that factors closer to the individual, such as personal experiences and interpersonal relationships, are more influential in explaining the women’s risks of IPSV victimisation. Second, significant factors were identified, including age at first sexual intercourse, autonomy in sexual and professional decision-making, and social networks. Third, it was possible to identify high-risk population subgroups that are often overlooked, such as women who had their sexual initiation during childhood. Finally, the introduction of some emerging indicators allowed for the examination of the experiences faced by women in various aspects of life, such as decision-making power and social networks.

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This chapter reflects in the methodological problems when studying secret state practices. Theoretical reflection is necessarily limited by the difficulty of accessing empirical data. While for some, the answer has been to build stronger research partnership with police institutions themselves, this chapter questions the reliability and ethics of such an approach. It uses the example of the former undercover officer Bob Lambert who later took on lectureships at universities without disclosing the details of his deployments. Rather, the tendency for police organisations to protect their reputations and to limit the disclosure of internal material should be treated as a form of data itself. The chapter is therefore a call for ‘deviant knowledge’ (Walters, 2003) and activist research.

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This chapter draws on the work of Gary Marx (1984) and William Walters (2021) to analyse the Undercover Policing Inquiry as a holder of ‘dirty data’ and its processes as maintaining secrecy through ‘devices of dis/closure’. It seeks to go beyond a reading of the Inquiry as simply maintaining the police’s secrets. Disclosure and secrecy are here seen as being in a more complex relationship with each other. Public inquiries employ various tools, or ‘devices of dis/closure’ in Walters’s terms, to mediate competing political, moral and technical demands for data management. Reflecting on each of these, the chapter examines how the Inquiry responded to the conflict between the state and non-state participants and how victims of undercover police abuse pressured both the police and the Inquiry to allow them to access their intelligence files.

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This chapter examines the strategy by the police and other state institutions to rely on human rights-based arguments in the Undercover Policing Inquiry. It shows how Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights, ‘the right to privacy and family life’, became the foundation of the police’s efforts to maintain secrecy and avoid accountability. Based on a close analysis of applications for anonymity orders, risk assessments and transcripts from Inquiry hearings, the chapter demonstrates that the police argument for privacy and confidentiality moved the dominant discourse from one of institutional scandal to one of individual harm.

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This chapter focuses on the non-police and non-state core participants in the Undercover Policing Inquiry and on their fight for the truth, both inside and outside the Inquiry. It uses several examples of resistance to secrecy. First, the chapter details how campaigners challenged the Terms of Reference given to the Inquiry, specifically as they limited its investigation to the activities of undercover police in England and Wales only. Second, it shows how non-police participants threatened to walk away from the Inquiry as they saw their participation increasingly limited and meaningless. Third, it examines the controversy surrounding a public campaign by the high street retailer Lush to increase awareness of the Inquiry and its limitations. Fourth, it explores attempts to make the Inquiry’s evidence hearings more transparent and accessible, at times during the COVID-19 pandemic when the public was largely excluded from the hearings. The chapter concludes by showing the significance of one woman’s legal battle to have her human rights claims recognised in the Investigatory Powers Tribunal.

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This chapter situates the conflicts and contestations in the Undercover Policing Inquiry within a broader debate about the role of inquests and inquiries. Drawing lessons from interventions made by Stuart Hall into the politics of inquiries during the 1990s, it examines inquiries under the Inquiries Act 2005 as political openings as well as political closure. Public inquiries therefore have an uneasy relationship to public accountability.

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