You will find a complete range of our monographs, muti-authored and edited works including peer-reviewed, original scholarly research across the social sciences and aligned disciplines. We publish long and short form research and you can browse the complete Bristol University Press and Policy Press archive of over 1400 titles.
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This chapter provides a summary of the key findings, along with a discussion of their implications for research, theory and policy making. It then turns to address the research limitations and concludes with an agenda for future research.
This chapter presents and interprets the results obtained from the statistical analyses of the 2000 Families Survey data to shed light upon the poverty impact of international migration for migrants and their descendants. It starts by summarising the key tendencies emerging from the descriptive analyses of the entire sample and the sub-sample of the settlers spread across multiple European destinations. It then outlines the probit results obtained through the comparisons drawn between the settlers, returnees and stayers spanning three family generations. This is followed by a presentation of the results arising from the probit estimations performed with the sub-sample of settlers. The chapter concludes by explaining the narrative behind the statistical findings.
This chapter presents the aims, significance and structure of the book. As well as highlighting the major gaps existing within the international migration literature, it outlines the unique features of the study and explains the significance of its theory-driven, multi-site and intergenerational approach to understanding migrant poverty.
This chapter maps out the empirical works focussed on the relationship between poverty and international migration while situating them within the wider literature that qualitatively or quantitatively examines the socio-economic performances of international migrants and/or their descendants. It then presents the current research evidence on the incidence, persistence and determinants of migrant poverty. It concludes by explaining the ways in which this book will contribute to closing the gaps existing within the field.
International migration is a life-changing process, but do the migrants and their families fare economically better than those who stayed behind?
Drawing on the largest database available on labour migration to Europe, this book seeks to shed light upon this question through an exploration of poverty outcomes for three generations of settler migrants spanning multiple European destinations, as compared with their returnee and stayer counterparts living in Turkey.
As well as documenting generational trends, it investigates the transmission of poverty onto the younger generations. With its unique multi-site and intergenerational perspective, the book provides a rare insight into the economic consequences of international migration for migrants and their descendants.
This chapter aims to outline the methodological approach taken to empirically investigate migrant poverty. It starts by depicting the key characteristics of the target population and the sample to demonstrate its appropriateness for the exploration of migrant poverty from a multi-site and intergenerational perspective. This is followed by a presentation of the survey design and implementation, along with the methods, techniques and instruments used in sampling, data collection and analysis. The chapter ends with a detailed exposition of the dependent and independent variables and their links to the resource-based model.
This chapter aims to introduce the approach taken here to define, measure and explain migrant poverty. To this end, it first evaluates the existing definitions of poverty and monetary and multi-dimensional perspectives on poverty measurement, and then presents the definition and the measurement method adopted here. Building upon a critical evaluation of relevant theories from the wider international migration literature, it outlines the core components of the resource-based model adapted from the author’s earlier work to examine the relationships between poverty and international migration. The chapter concludes by setting out research hypotheses for statistical testing.
Labor market economics is about the effectiveness of the market in allocating people’s own time and abilities. The job of the labor market is matching supply and demand. In an ideal economy, supply of labor continuously rearranges itself to meet the demand for labor, moving from one set of skills to another and from one region to another to clear the global labor market. Demand for labor, too, may move across countries and across sectors to search for cheap and appropriate labor. This global process should be driven by prices, in that the price system brings supply where demand is abundant and, similarly, demand where supply is abundant. There may be situations, however, where the price system fails to deliver that outcome, at least in the short and medium run, and results in unemployment of labor and underutilization of capital. In this case institutional mechanisms may step in to make up for the failings of the market system, driving demand and supply towards each other. This is not an unimportant or easy task; what is at stake are the lives of individuals and firms. Policy makers and legislators, therefore, may need to intervene and devise the best institutional setting to prevent people from remaining unemployed and firms from remaining unstaffed. Quite clearly, the question hinges on the degree of confidence in the price system. The higher the confidence, the weaker the action required; the lower the confidence, the stronger the action required to compensate for the failings of that system.
In this chapter, we examine the nature and extent of this market failure in one segment of the Italian labor market, that of youth.
Youth unemployment is a major source of concern in Europe. There are two reasons why the levels of youth unemployment continue to be high in certain European Union (EU) member states. First, young people have greater difficulties in finding a job than adults. In many instances, young people’s skills and competences are critically assessed, and young job-seekers have to compete with adults who are already part of the labor market. Second, in recent years, European firms have reported skills mismatches among young job-seekers, making it difficult for them to hire adequately skilled staff. Therefore, youth unemployment can be regarded as a consequence of poor vocational education and training (VET) policies that result in inadequate skills, skills shortages and skills mismatches (Majumdar, 2017). If they lack the necessary skills, youths and adults alike will be confronted with difficulties in finding decent work and they are less likely to become entrepreneurs, even though entrepreneurship stimulates innovation and economic growth.
Scholars have identified such deficiencies in the VET systems of some EU member states, whereas others they regard as role models. The German VET system has been heralded as particularly successful for integrating young people into the labor market (Shore and Tosun, 2019a, 2019b). The main characteristic of this ‘dual system’ is its structure, as the skill formation takes place over a training period of two to three-and-a-half years through the regulated cooperation of vocational schools, on the one hand, and companies, on the other. Trainees in this system spend part of the week at the vocational school and the other part at the company, where they are involved in regular working activities.
Its main purpose seems to have been to select and train for the most important jobs in the country. The criteria of selection have predominantly been the talent for abstraction, the ability to simplify complex problems while leaving room for their complexities, and an overall knowledge of French history, philosophy and culture … One of the mainsprings of this system has been to let the best of each generation remain as long as possible in general education. The vocational training of this elite should therefore begin very late. It could then take place in special institutions, such as Les Grandes Écoles or on-the-job: for example, public administration in the Foreign Service. (OECD, 1984: 57–8)
Hence, the idea of apprenticeship or technical, vocational training at an early age was viewed as an obstacle to social status and upward mobility. Moreover, as the report goes on to state, manual training has been regarded as second-class training, of less value than intellectual training (OECD, 1984: 93). Examples of poor quality vocational training sites follow, complete with poignant descriptions of inadequate tools, broken equipment, meager supplies, and the scant workplace knowledge of instructors.