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For many people in diverse urban settings around the world, informality is a defining characteristic of the way they live, work, and govern or are governed. This book is the first to provide an introductory overview and global perspective on urban informality, which is increasingly the subject of critical debates in urban studies, planning and related disciplines. It employs a transdisciplinary approach, drawing on and synthesizing insights from different disciplines, particularly social science and the humanities. Alongside historic and current theoretical and policy debates, it engages with diverse representations of urban informality, including fiction, film, poetry, photography, interviews and other media, to bring in diverse voices and perspectives. Exploring experiences and processes of living, working and governing informally, as well as responses to these, the book offers insights into patterns of inequality, poverty and exclusion in different cities, peri-urban areas and places affected by urbanization. Empirical examples are drawn from a wide range of diverse contexts, as urban informality is framed as a global issue, whose precise manifestations are contextually determined, but with the scope to affect all urban inhabitants, in direct or indirect ways. On this basis, we argue for trans-local, multi-voice understandings of informality, that acknowledge the experience of specific places and people, while foregrounding voices less heard in debates.

URBAN INFORMALITY

An Introduction

Melanie Lombard and Philipp Horn

First published in Great Britain in 2024 by

Bristol University Press

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© Bristol University Press 2024

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ISBN 978-1-5292-1917-3 paperback

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The right of Melanie Lombard and Philipp Horn to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

All rights reserved: no part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of Bristol University Press.

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The statements and opinions contained within this publication are solely those of the authors and not of the University of Bristol or Bristol University Press. The University of Bristol and Bristol University Press disclaim responsibility for any injury to persons or property resulting from any material published in this publication.

Bristol University Press works to counter discrimination on grounds of gender, race, disability, age and sexuality.

Cover design: Hannah Gaskamp

Front cover image: Top photograph: Philipp Horn, bottom photograph: Tatiana Pinzón.

Bristol University Press uses environmentally responsible print partners.

Printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY

To Alfredo Stein Heinemann, our shared mentor

Contents

  • List of Figures, Tables and Boxes vii

  • About the Authors x

  • Acknowledgements xi

  1. 1Introduction: The Global Significance of Urban Informality 1

    • Setting the scene: why urban informality? 1

    • Approaching the multiple and interrelated dimensions of informality 9

    • Analysing responses to informality 13

    • Engaging with representations of informality 15

    • Using this book and chapter summary 18

    • Recommended reading 20

    • Exercises 20

    • Alternative representations 21

  2. 2Understanding Urban Informality 23

    • Origins of urban informality 24

    • Conceptual and policy debates in the 20th century 28

    • 21st-century debates 35

    • Postcolonial urban theory 41

    • Informality at a global scale 42

    • Chapter summary 42

    • Recommended reading 43

    • Exercises 43

    • Alternative representations 43

  3. 3Living Informally 45

    • Living informally: manifestations and factors 46

    • Elements of informal living: land, housing, services 55

    • New developments 62

    • Chapter summary 65

    • Recommended reading 66

    • Exercises 66

    • Alternative representations 66

  4. 4Working Informally 67

    • The informal sector: historical roots and conceptual approaches 69

    • From informal sector work to informal employment 72

    • Towards a comprehensive approach on the urban informal economy 80

    • Chapter summary 85

    • Recommended reading 86

    • Exercises 86

    • Alternative representations 87

  5. 5Governing Informally 89

    • Politics and informality 90

    • Governing informally, (post)colonial development and the urban 92

    • Articulations of governing informally 95

    • Chapter summary 107

    • Recommended reading 108

    • Exercises 108

    • Alternative representations 108

  6. 6Responses to Living Informally 111

    • The emergence of a global urban agenda 112

    • State-led responses 114

    • Citizen-led responses 123

    • Chapter summary 131

    • Recommended reading 132

    • Exercises 132

    • Alternative representations 133

  7. 7Responses to Working Informally 135

    • Responses as seen through different conceptual lenses 136

    • Conventional top-down responses 138

    • Embracing informal work 144

    • Chapter summary 153

    • Recommended reading 153

    • Exercises 153

    • Alternative representations 154

  8. 8Emerging Alternatives 155

    • Beyond informality? 156

    • New policy and practice approaches to informality 164

    • Engaging with informality 172

    • Chapter summary 180

    • Recommended reading 180

    • Exercises 180

    • Alternative representations 181

  9. 9Conclusion: For Trans-Local, Multi-Voice Understandings of Urban Informality 183

    • Overarching arguments and conceptual framework 183

    • Evaluating responses to urban informality 187

    • Future directions 190

List of Figures, Tables and Boxes

Figures

  1. 1.1A word cloud of informal practices from different parts of the world 2
  2. 1.2Mukuru informal neighbourhood in Nairobi, Kenya 3
  3. 1.3‘Close, No. 118 High Street’, by Thomas Annan 4
  4. 1.4Regional dimensions of informal employment (percentage of informal employment in total employment) 7
  5. 1.5Room in a tenement, New York 16
  6. 2.1Overcrowded housing in 19th-century London 26
  7. 2.2Barriada near Pachacamac, Lima, Peru in 1970 29
  8. 2.3Sugarcane juice vendors in Lucknow, India 32
  9. 2.4Self-help processes in Xalapa, Mexico 33
  10. 2.5A home in Mumbai, India 39
  11. 3.1Ponte Tower, an example of inner-city informal living in Johannesburg 48
  12. 3.2Informal neighbourhood in Xalapa, Mexico 50
  13. 3.3What do we mean by informal? The branching tree of irregularities in housing 54
  14. 3.4Informal housing diversity 58
  15. 3.5Consolidation of a neighbourhood in Xalapa, Mexico, 2006–11 61
  16. 3.6Informal development in a middle-income neighbourhood, Nairobi, Kenya 63
  17. 4.1Examples of informal work in Bolivia and South Africa 68
  18. 4.2Home-based work in a rented home in an informal neighbourhood, Bogota, Colombia 73
  19. 4.3Informal market scenes in El Alto, Bolivia 79
  20. 4.4The informal economy by region measured by percentage of gross domestic product contribution 83
  21. 4.5Value chain of ready-to-eat chickens in informal markets in Tshwane, South Africa 85
  22. 5.1Ciudad Bolivar, Bogota, Colombia 95
  23. 5.2Signs evidencing community and lynch mob justice in El Alto, Bolivia 98
  24. 5.3Land invasion at the edge of an established informal neighbourhood in Xalapa, Mexico 104
  25. 5.4Mukuru informal neighbourhoods in Nairobi, Kenya, a street view 105
  26. 6.1Evictions in Cape Town, South Africa 116
  27. 6.2Villa El Salvador in Lima, Peru, past and present 117
  28. 6.3Costs of regularization 123
  29. 7.1Banner promoting cleanliness in the inner-city streets of Durban, South Africa 140
  30. 7.2Malecón 2000 in Guayaquil, Ecuador 141
  31. 7.3Informal street vending activities in the Warwick Junction area in Durban, South Africa 146
  32. 8.1Responses to food insecurity in informal neighbourhoods in Cali, Colombia, during the COVID-19 pandemic 159
  33. 8.2Women undertaking informal neighbourhood mapping in India 161
  34. 8.3Members of Mum’s Mart savings group from Wythenshawe, Manchester, UK, visiting the Ladies of Hope group in Mukuru, Nairobi, Kenya 168
  35. 8.4‘Two different ways of life’ from How to Plan for Informality: The Experience of Catalytic Communities 171
  36. 8.5Photo of neighbourhood school taken by resident in Xalapa, Mexico 176

Tables

  1. 2.1Characteristics of informal and formal economic sectors 31
  2. 4.1A taxonomy of informal economic activities 82

Boxes

  1. 1.1A note on the term ‘global South’ 5
  2. 1.2‘Illegal’ by Patrick Magebhula Hunsley (1958–2014) 8
  3. 2.119th-century slums in England 27
  4. 2.2Contrasting accounts of informality 35
  5. 3.1The history of an informal neighbourhood in Cali, Colombia: an account by Alexander López, Asomevid 51
  6. 4.1Heterogeneous motivations for street vending in Guangzhou, China 72
  7. 4.2Home-based informal employment as depicted in the novel A Fine Balance 74
  8. 4.3Capturing informal sector employment 77
  9. 4.4Informal workers in El Alto, Bolivia: many are young and some are rich 79
  10. 4.5Economic informality and COVID-19 81
  11. 4.6Different causal explanations for the informal economy 87
  12. 5.1Hyperregulation in Bolivia 103
  13. 5.2Unequal clientelist politics in Dhaka, Bangladesh 107
  14. 6.1Titling in Mexico, the case of the Commission for the Regularisation of Land Tenure 121
  15. 6.2Supporting communities in Karachi, Pakistan: a conversation with Arif Hasan, Urban Resource Centre 124
  16. 6.3Supporting affordable housing in Mumbai, India 130
  17. 7.1Malecón 2000: promoting Guayaquil to tourists while reproducing urban colonialism 141
  18. 7.2Formalization of the informal economy: a comprehensive approach 143
  19. 7.3Amplifying the voices of informal workers in Durban, South Africa: a conversation with Richard Dobson, AeT 144
  20. 7.4Key organizations supporting informal workers 148
  21. 8.1Working with social leaders in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil: a conversation with Theresa Williamson, Catalytic Communities 169
  22. 8.2Representations of informality in fiction 173
  23. 8.3‘Development’ by Arif Hasan 178

About the Authors

Melanie Lombard is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Urban Studies and Planning at the University of Sheffield, UK. Her research explores aspects of urban informality, relating particularly to housing, land and place, through a focus on urban residents’ everyday constructive activities, in cities in Latin America, Africa and the UK. She has published widely in journals and contributed chapters to several edited collections.

Philipp Horn is Senior Lecturer in the Department of Urban Studies and Planning at the University of Sheffield, UK. His research focuses on inclusive urban development, Indigenous urbanization, youth rights, and participatory planning in the global South, with a regional focus on Latin America and Africa. He has published numerous journal articles, books, book chapters and working papers.

Acknowledgements

Our paths first crossed at the former Global Urban Research Centre in the School of Environment, Education and Development at the University of Manchester. Here, we both had the privilege to work under the mentorship of Alfredo Stein Heinemann. Alfredo is not only an urban development planning specialist with more than 37 years of experience in providing practical solutions to urban low-income residents living informally; he is also a dedicated researcher, teacher and mentor. With his door always open, we both had the privilege to spend hours chatting, listening and learning with him about the challenges of and solutions to urban informality, and the need to put first the interests and priorities of those who live, work and govern informally. Many ideas shared in this book stem from these discussions, and it is for this reason that we dedicate this book to Alfredo.

This book heavily draws on our teaching experiences. At the University of Sheffield we jointly convene ‘Urban Informality’, a module for Master’s-level students in the Department of Urban Studies and Planning. Long before we started teaching this module in 2018, urban informality had evolved into a critical field of study for those working on urban issues in the global South and, increasingly, the global North. It is the subject of ongoing debate in academic and policy circles, and is now on the curriculum of many built environment and global development programmes. However, when putting together our module, we noticed that little was available in terms of introductory guides. By writing this book, we hope to contribute to filling this gap, offering a comprehensive introductory overview of urban informality and related theoretical, policy and practice debates, illustrated with empirical examples throughout. Inspired by our own teaching and research, we have written this book to be accessible to advanced undergraduate students, postgraduate students, academics, policy makers and practitioners. It is likely to be relevant for readers engaged in the interdisciplinary fields of urban studies and global development, particularly those concerned with planning and the built environment, which are so intimately connected with urban informality.

Writing this book took over three years (including a global pandemic), often in parallel with preparing classes for our students, from whom we have learned so much during lectures, seminars, workshops and field trips. We therefore would like to thank our past and current students on the module ‘Urban Informality’, as well as contributors, Sam Burgum (University of Sheffield), Sophie King (Community Led Action and Savings – CLASS) and other Sheffield- and Manchester-based community leaders associated with the Community Savers network, and Lindsay Sawyer (University of Sheffield), who provided different perspectives and helped us develop some of the ideas discussed in this book. For example, in the first teaching session in ‘Urban Informality’, we ask students to upload and share alternative representations of urban informality, including fiction, poetry, films, first-hand accounts and photography. This inspired us to incorporate non-academic representations of urban informality in this book, and some of the ‘alternative representations’ included at the end of chapters are based on recommendations from our students. Special thanks go to Tom Goodfellow, a regular contributor to the ‘Urban Informality’ module, whose ideas on political informality we have drawn on in the chapter on ‘governing informally’. Beyond this specific course, we have engaged with many other students and colleagues on learning and teaching about urban informality, at undergraduate, Master’s and PhD level; they are too numerous to list individually but we are grateful for their inputs.

In the different chapters of this book, we draw heavily on empirical, theoretical and practical examples from previous and ongoing research projects and collaborations we are involved in. In our research, we both work and collaborate with people who live, work and govern informally, and we also collaborate with researchers and practitioners with expertise on urban informality. We would like to thank people who accompanied us on our research journeys. We both thank the many people who are engaged in living and working informally with whom we have discussed these issues and from whom we have learned so much. At Sheffield, we thank our colleagues and collaborators (current and former), including especially Sam Burgum, Olivia Casagrande, Vanesa Castán Broto, Steve Connolly, Tom Goodfellow, Paula Meth, Beth Perry, Lindsay Sawyer, Leon Tellez Contreras, Simon Rushton, Juan Mario Diaz, Juan Miguel Kanai and Glyn Williams. We would both thank former colleagues, mentors, and peers at the University of Manchester who inspired our work and thinking around topics discussed in this book, including: Nicola Banks, Tanja Bastia, Sally Cawood, Michael Hebbert, Jessica Hope, Kirsten Howarth, Diana Mitlin, Caroline Moser, Alfredo Stein and Matthew Thompson. In Latin America, Philipp thanks his long-term collaborators Katherine Illanes and Carlos Revilla at the Instituto de Investigación y Acción para el Desarrollo Integral (IIADI) in La Paz, Patricia Urquieta and Windsor Torrico (formerly at the Universidad Mayor de San Andres in La Paz), and all urban Indigenous activists, academics, students and practitioners from Belo Horizonte, Concepcion, El Alto, La Paz, Pucon, Quito, Rurrenabaque, Santa Cruz and Sucre with whom he had the privilege to collaborate and co-learn. In Kenya, he thanks Kimani Joseph, Jack Makau and Patrick Njoroge from SDI Kenya, as well as community activists and practitioners linked to Muungano wa Wanavijiji and Akiba Mashinani Trust. Melanie thanks colleagues and activists in Colombia, particularly Jaime Hernández García, Carlos Andrés Tobar Tovar, Alexander López Angulo, Betty Alarcon Afiuni, Sandra Sarria, Jefferson Jaramillo Marín and Adriel Ruiz Galvan; and in Mexico, Mauricio Hernandez Bonilla and Clara Salazar. She also thanks the leaders and members of the Community Savers network, Sophie King and fellow CLASS board members.

This book is interspersed with testimonies from expert practitioners who share their insider perspective on urban informality from different geopolitical contexts with our readers. We thank Arif Hasan (Urban Resource Centre, Karachi, Pakistan), Richard Dobson (Asiye eTafuleni, Durban, South Africa), Alexander López (Asomevid, Cali, Colombia) and Theresa Williamson (Catalytic Communities, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil) for engaging with us in interviews and for agreeing to share their testimonies in this book.

We also thank those who provided us with permission rights to publish or reproduce photos, figures, illustrations and poems in this book, including Tatiana Pinzón (front cover image from Aguablanca District in Cali, Colombia), the International Labour Organization (Figure 1.2), the late Patrick Magebhula Hunsley and Joel Bolnick (Box 1.2), Cornell University Library (Figure 2.2), Dinodia Photos/Alamy (Figure 2.3), John Wiley & Sons (Figure 3.3), Eunice Nthambi Jimmy (Figure 3.6), Friedrich Schneider (Table 4.1), Lorena Guerrero (Figures 5.1 and 4.2), the International Monetary Fund (Figure 4.2), Elsevier Journals Limited (Figure 4.3), Daneel Knoetze/Groundup (Figure 6.1), Panther Media GmbH/Alamy (Figure 6.2), the Lincoln Institute for Land Policy (Figure 6.3), Diego Grandi/Alamy (Figure 7.2), Asomevid (Figure 8.1), SDI (Figure 8.2), Community Savers (Figure 8.3), Arif Hasan (Box 8.3), Theresa Williamson (Figure 8.4) and Azucena Jiménez (Figure 8.5).

The production of this book has also benefited from the unwavering support of our publishers at Bristol University Press, and here we would like to thank Zoe Forbes, Philippa Grand, Rebecca Tomlinson and Stephen Wenham for their patience, guidance and support throughout. We also thank the anonymous reviewer for their helpful comments and suggestions.

On a personal note, Melanie would like to thank Martyn, Arthur and Frieda for holding the fort at home, and Mary Lombard for her steadfast support throughout this and always. Philipp would like to thank family and friends, especially Sally, for support and putting up with him in the different stages of writing this book.

Let us finish by thanking each other: It has been a real pleasure working on this book together. Both of us contributed equally to the writing process and any errors are entirely our own.

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