Introduction
This chapter explores how women experience ICT work in a particular rural context in Norway. While the global trend of digitalization is recognized as a driver for transforming working life and for supporting the development of more competitive economies, women are still under-represented in ICT education and work in Europe and in Norway (Eurostat, 2019; Barbieri et al, 2020). Women in ICT work more than women in many other occupations (EIGE, 2018), reflecting a feeling of pressure to submit to a ‘greedy’ male-dominated work culture of long hours (Watts, 2009). Similar tendencies have been found in Norway; women in ICT work full-time or more, depending on care responsibilities and support from partners (Seddighi and Corneliussen, 2021; see Chapter 9, this volume). While national gender equality norms and regulations are widely recognized and accepted, initiatives to achieve gender equality are left to each employer and organization, making the resulting gender structures of ICT highly dependent on the organizational culture (Corneliussen and Seddighi, 2020) and local enactments of gender (Pristed Nielsen et al, 2020: 14). Here we add another factor to the analysis of women’s experiences in ICT work: rurality.
Rural communities have frequently been associated with traditional and conservative gender norms, as opposed to progressive urban areas (Little, 2002). The often static image of the rural emanating from these polarized narratives contributes to a notion of gender as universal and stable in rural areas (Little, 2014). Gender relations and gender roles are, however, constantly
Within this context we explore how experiences of rurality are entangled in the professional-life narratives of 25 women working in ICT in this region. The analysis is based on a notion of gender as a social construction and entangled with ICT, work and rurality, combined with a perspective emphasizing the importance of material as well as immaterial factors for understanding development in rural regions (Bryden and Hart, 2004; Pristed Nielsen et al, 2020).
Literature review
Rurality has often been described in dualistic terms, associated with a strong gender divide in primary industries (Brandth, 2016) and traditional and ‘patriarchal’ gender norms (Forsberg, 2001), different from urban communities associated with more progressive gender norms (Pristed Nielsen et al, 2020). Rurality is, however, not a uniform concept, and diversification of livelihoods can be found in advanced rural regions (Vidickienė, 2017). Large geographic areas with low population density characterize Norway, Sweden and Finland as different from other European countries (NOU, 2020: 15). ICT and digitalization are considered important catalysts for innovation and economic growth in such regions, often tied to an assumption that increased use of ICT will reduce the significance of geography (Grip, 2020). Rural regions in Norway have high out-migration (Heleniak and Gassen, 2020) reflecting the ‘mobility imperative for rural youth’ (Farrugia, 2016: 836): young people’s rural to urban migration in search of education and work opportunities (Pristed Nielsen et al, 2020). In some places, young women leave at a higher rate than men. Although this might suggest that a predominance of traditional, male-dominated workplaces makes the rural labour market challenging for young women, it has also been interpreted as reflecting the higher educational ambition of women (Pristed Nielsen et al, 2020). Women’s higher out-migration from rural regions has also been seen as an escape from a society characterized by a traditional gender contract
An important aspect for understanding rural communities is the sense of belonging as ‘place-belongingness’, reflecting a ‘personal, intimate, feeling of being “at home” in a place’ (Antonsich, 2010: 645). ‘Being rooted’ in and feeling belonging for a place has been associated with empowerment because it gives access to social resources and networks (Pristed Nielsen et al, 2020: 18). This points to the importance of not only looking at labour and economic activities when studying women’s experience of ICT work in a rural region, but also being aware of how other factors affect their work experience (Bryden and Hart, 2004; Pristed Nielsen et al, 2020).
Rurality is not only perceived as an opposite to urbanity, but also entails internal contradictions. Cruickshank et al suggest that there has been a competition between ‘rural values as intrinsic’, emphasizing the value of traditional rural culture, and the rural as an important site for national economic growth (2009: 73). The latter discourse has gained importance with intensified globalization and the growth of neoliberalism (Cruickshank et al, 2009), evident for instance in the increase of ICT workplaces in the rural region analyzed here (Vareide et al, 2019). The discourse of rural values includes images of rurality as idyllic, often associated with nature and family values. The assumptions that rural areas are a good place for children to grow up in (Grimsrud, 2011) and that living in the countryside produces a better quality of life have made in-migration into rural areas a life phase strategy related to expanding families (Villa, 2000). For some, nature as a prized asset has transformed rural ‘remoteness’ from being seen as a weakness to making its ‘outstanding environmental quality’ increase its attractiveness (Vidickienė, 2017: 176). Rural nature has, however, also been described as a masculine domain rooted in traditional gender structures, handled by men with large machines (Little and Panelli, 2003).
Research in Nordic rural areas indicates that local gender arrangements are affected by rural conditions: they are ‘contingent upon and evolve from practices in space and place’ (Pristed Nielsen et al, 2020: 15). However, different from assumptions of static gender patterns in rural areas, Pristed Nielsen et al reject the idea of a sharp dichotomy of gender roles as expressed
Theoretical framework
An underlying premise for this study is that social development, including of the gender structures of work and family life in rural regions, can be understood as changeable rather than fixed (Little, 2014; Pristed Nielsen et al, 2020). Our analysis builds on Bryden and Hart’s (2004) theory emphasizing that the dynamics in rural regions rely not only on economic relations, but on a wider spectrum of material as well as immaterial and intangible factors such as traditions, values, beliefs, attitudes and more. The rural itself has been identified as an actor adding meaning to life in such regions, for instance through ‘place-belongingness’ (Antonsich, 2010: 645). In contrast to perspectives suggesting that the rural produces a specific social order including in gender relations (Forsberg, 2001), our analysis takes as a starting point that gender is a co-construction of work and rurality. Gender is developed in social situations and cultural contexts (West and Zimmerman, 1987) and is, for instance, reflected in the Norwegian labour market through horizontal and vertical gender segregation (Statistics Norway, 2018). These gender patterns of work are particularly notable in fields of ICT. However, when ICT work appears in new contexts, like new workplaces developed through increased digitalization in rural regions, this might also affect the gendering of ICT work. Our theoretical framework therefore aims to explore how the rural setting enters into women’s experiences of working in ICT in a rural context. In previous studies we have shown that national gender norms promoting gender equality are widely accepted in the region (Corneliussen and Seddighi, 2020), but also that local enactments of gender represented by women working in ICT rely on employers’ attitudes and private resources such as supportive partners and family, as much as family-friendly policies (Seddighi and Corneliussen, 2021; see Chapter 9 in this volume). Our analysis thus aims to identify how gender, ICT work and rurality are entangled and co-constructed as they structure the meaning of the women’s work experiences.
Interviews
The sample in this chapter consists of 25 women aged 24 to 59 who worked and lived in the rural region of western Norway at the time of the interviews in 2017–18. The women were recruited through research and innovation institutions and funders, ICT companies, and networks for women working with technology. About half the group had a university degree in computing. The others had degrees in non-technological disciplines, including fields such as social science, health care, law and economics. However, they worked with ICT and digialization. Some of the women in this latter group had also returned to university for a course or degree in ICT, while others had received formal or informal training in ICT through their work (see Chapter 4, this volume). Their workplaces were spread across the public and private sector, reflecting the global trend towards digitalization that is increasing the need for ICT experts far beyond traditional ICT industries (Ekeland et al, 2015). Their jobs included tasks ranging from hands-on programming to designing, building and implementing new technology. The women’s different relations to the region affected their experiences, as 16 of the women grew up in the region, three came from other parts of Norway, while six had an immigrant background.
The individual interviews lasted approximately one hour and followed a professional-life history perspective, including questions about education and occupational history as well as an invitation to reflect more widely (Kvale and Brinkmann, 2009) on experiences related to ICT work, family life and rural living. All informants were anonymized and are identified with a capital letter from A to J following direct quotes. The study was approved by the Norwegian Centre for Research Data.
Analytical methods
The interview transcripts were initially analyzed using a grounded theory approach in order to allow for new perspectives to emerge (Strauss and Corbin, 1998). After reading and coding the transcripts, codes were extracted and organized in groups before categories were developed through writing memos, following Charmaz’s guidelines (2006). Categories that were further developed for this chapter include the ‘moving back’-storyline and ‘our people’, pointing to a ‘place-belongingness’, and the ‘rural idyllic’ images of nature and quality of life. We also draw on Laclau and Mouffe’s (1985) discourse theory and their notion of meaning understood as a social process. Discourses consist of a web of signs that are placed into a specific relation to other signs and thereby create meaning (Winther Jørgensen and Phillips, 1999). In addition to ICT and gender
Rurality in women’s experiences of ICT work
The rural region of western Norway has developed beyond traditional rural economic activities, visible in the notable growth in the ICT industry (Vareide et al, 2019). We start by exploring the types of ICT workplaces the women found and the characteristics of working life in the region, before exploring ‘place-belongingness’ (Antonsich, 2010) and ‘idyllic rurality’ (Little, 2014).
Gendering of ICT work
Nearly half the women had been working in a city before deciding to move back home to the rural region. Many of the women had been looking for appropriate jobs for a while, indicating a shortage of ICT jobs relevant to them in the region. One of them had nearly given up hope: “I was thinking that ‘well, then I just have to settle for a position in IT operations’, give authorization, add new users, update Windows, and stuff like that, right. Which is a very important job as well, but you don’t need a degree in civil engineering to do that” (F). Finally she had found a job in the region in a non-tech company expanding its ICT department to keep up with the requirements for digitalizing their services. This trend was notable for all the women in our sample, suggesting that the ongoing digitalization across sectors has opened up a particular type of ICT work opportunity that attracts women. This contributes to a new gendering of ICT work: first, the nine women in academic positions did not work in ICT departments, but rather in other and less male-dominated disciplines. Second, the public sector is a female-dominated workplace in Norway (Statistics Norway, 2018). The six women working with ICT in the public sector described their work experience as combining ICT as a masculine field with more gender-equal, even female-dominated, work environments such as health care services. Third, the rest of the group worked in the private sector, but none of them had positions as ICT experts in a private ICT company. Instead, they had found ICT jobs in organizations where ICT was secondary, but increasingly important due to the digitalization of systems, services and work processes. This suggests that increased digitalization opens up new opportunities for working with ICT in less male-dominated workplaces, and in organizations and industries where ICT expertise is not already occupied by men or images of masculinity.
‘There are perhaps two companies where you can work, and if you don’t want to work in any of them you have to commute, … so that is what I’ve done; first I worked in one company, then I was commuting, and then I worked in the other company. If it doesn’t work out here … it means going back to number one or starting to commute again.’ (B)
The women’s narratives suggest that the rural context added certain dimensions to their work experiences in fields of ICT and digitalization by making them visible and opening up career opportunities that they did not think they would have found in urban ICT workplaces.
The opportunities and support that the women found in ICT jobs, however, co-existed with a shortage of relevant jobs and companies to choose from. The importance of interesting work made many of the women willing to commute to work because living in the region also had a special value for them due to their ‘place-belongingness’ (Antonsich, 2010). This was highlighted in the narratives of 12 women who shared a ‘moving back’-storyline: they had grown up in the region, moved out to undertake higher education, stayed away for work reasons, before finding a relevant job and moving back to the region. It was their original place-belongingness that made them search for work in the region. However, many had waited a long time before finding a relevant job as an ICT expert: “I have lived away since I started at university. I have been in [the city] the last 20-something years. I moved back home because an exciting job opportunity turned up. That does not happen every day, so that was not a difficult decision” (E).
‘It was mostly working and sleeping, and that’s all you got to do. Thus, we didn’t really see each other much. By moving here, we save a lot of time, we have shorter days and more flexible solutions. … There is a very good social network for outdoor activities here, for walking, biking, Alpine skiing, and more. We don’t have to spend the weekends travelling far away. Now we can just spend an evening; have a short day at work and get out there. We have much more time for our own interests and for the children.’ (J)
The ‘moving back’-storyline highlights how rural life has certain qualities of life, and the idea of the rural idyll includes material and immaterial values (Bryden and Hart, 2004): “I think that some of the values we have here are values that you probably won’t find in the big cities; that has to do with a feeling of unity, having good friends and to be close to family” (G). Important values refer to friends and family, suggesting that the women’s return to the region also included a life phase strategy related to children (Grimsrud,
‘then he died, and that put my life into perspective. Suddenly I started thinking, “What are we doing all the way here in the eastern part of Norway with all our family so far away? This is so far away from our people”. … Moving back was not about getting a babysitter, like many people think. It was about growing the real relationships, in particular between our parents and our children. That was what drew us. And I really love [the rural area]. I missed nature, and the various advantages were not difficult to think of. For instance, cottages that we can borrow [from our parents]; things we didn’t have access to in the eastern part of Norway.’ (F)
This woman’s list of rural values and qualities was long, starting with “our people” and place-belongingness that both she and her partner felt for the region. While a condition for moving back was finding a relevant ICT job, the justification for moving was also tied to family bonds, social relations and nature.
The rural idyll and its threats
‘I walk to work in 15 minutes. It’s a pleasure to walk and already that short time, twice a day, helps you to get a clean brain, get loose. … The biggest advantage of working as a researcher in [place] is that you save a lot of time that you waste in big cities in transport and organization of your work.’ (I)
‘It is not like we are a random group of peasants sitting here, trying to produce something. We have competences that are no less than in any other place. I’m so sick and tired of having to prove that we can manage things in this region … and that attitude where we have to prove ourselves. Twice.’ (C)
Women working in ICT in the rural region, she suggested, not only had to prove themselves within a male-dominated occupation, but also against an urban elitist attitude.
A more problematic threat for the region considering the importance of making people want to live and work there, was the double-edged effect of place-belongingness. The ‘moving back’-storyline illustrates that many rural values are tied to place-belongingness which was more available to women with family roots in the region. Even the women who had returned after living away for a long time benefited from their old social networks, old friends and people whom they recognized from school. For many, this type of network was important, not only on a private level, but also for support and confidence at work. But for the women who did not share this type of place-belongingness, the exact same values that were celebrated in the ‘moving back’-storyline could become barriers. One of the youngest women in our sample, for instance, had moved to the region with her boyfriend, and at the time of the interview she was contemplating moving out again because she did not have a social network. This was even more tricky for women who were also immigrants to Norway, for whom both language and local traditions could become barriers for their social inclusion. One of these women described how she felt ignored and left out of small talk among her peers because she did not share their relation to nature: “Then I realized that I am not a skiing buddy” (A), reflecting the importance that outdoor sports activities can have for work relations in a region where such activities are highly valued.
Discussion
The analysis of women’s experiences of ICT work in the rural context of western Norway does not support the notion of rurality as entailing static and traditional gender structures, but rather indicates a labour market in
The women’s constructions of rurality often included a comparison to urban environments. In-migration narratives intensified this as the women emphasized how the rural shaped their work and career. Thus, the sparsely populated region with its attendant effects on the labour market made them stand out, become visible as resources and therefore have interesting career opportunities. They were encouraged to take new responsibilities, but were also supported by employers who realized that they needed to take care of the existing human resources. Previous research suggests that support is particularly important for women engaging in occupational fields associated with men (Holtzblatt and Marsden, 2018). Thus, the support that the women identified as a quality of the rural region might have been highly valuable for making women feel more welcome in ICT jobs. The downside of being in a rural area was the thinness of organizations: the few relevant employers made job switching more difficult. In the end it was the strength of place-belongingness that affected many of the women’s decision to stay or leave if the current job did not work out.
Place-belongingness also had a flip side, making the region attractive for some while producing challenges for others. In the ‘moving back’-storyline it was finding a relevant job that was the main trigger for making women return to the region. However, it was their place-belongingness and the discourse of the idyllic rurality that justified the move. This rural idyll included values associated with closeness to nature, quality of life and more time for children, closeness to supportive grandparents, and more. Many women with family struggle to find a balance between time for work and family, including in this rural context (see Chapter 9, this volume). The
But the same features that provided advantages for women with roots in the region created disadvantages for those without such roots. That the entanglement of working and living offered both prospects and challenges is a critical point to note: the rural as a good place for children is a selling point only for women with children; closeness to family only counts for those with roots in the region, and having access to social networks does not come automatically for newcomers. Nature was a major attraction for many, but not everybody became a “skiing buddy”. Immigrant women were the majority of those who did not draw on the discourse of the rural idyll, especially in relation to family and social relations. Thus, although digitalization and the growth of ICT workplaces attracted the female ICT experts to jobs less traditional in a rural setting, the narratives of rurality were still tightly connected to making sense of ‘a traditional way of life’ and belonging (Grimsrud, 2011).
Conclusion
In this chapter we have shown how the discourse of the rural appears and is represented in narratives about living and working in the rural region of western Norway among women working with ICT. Digitalization has been launched as a solution securing a sustainable future across industries and sectors, and also as important for rural regions (Ekeland et al, 2015). Making remote rural regions attractive for young women is vital for sustainable population development in these areas (Vidickienė, 2017). Identifying how the rural enters women’s work experiences, our findings suggest that a combination of a rural idyll discourse and the discourse of the rural as an actor in economic growth (Cruickshank et al, 2009) can be utilized to make the rural appear attractive to women. It is also necessary to recognize that women are not a uniform group, and we have shown how place-belongingness (Antonsich, 2010) is limited to women with roots in the region, while other rural values such as nature and quality of life make the region attractive for a more diverse group of women. We also recognize that the women contributed to discourses of rurality in at least two ways. First, they emphasized differences between the rural and the urban and promoted discourses of the rural idyll, quality of life and place-belongingness. Second, they also emphasized similarities, demonstrating the rural as a place of high competence in ICT development and innovation and claiming their equal worth compared to their urban collaborators. The rural as a place for digital
Support and networks are important for women in male-dominated fields (Holtzblatt and Marsden, 2018). Our findings suggest that further improvements can be made to women’s experience of ICT work by recognizing that different groups of women have different senses of being included and excluded from social and professional networks in ICT and in rural regions. While certain gender structures appear to be more stable than others, our study contributes to the critique of seeing rural gender structures as unchangeable (Little, 2014) by providing a more nuanced image of women’s work experiences entangled with rurality. More empirical studies are needed to further develop our knowledge about how the gendering of different workplaces and industries develops in rural regions, and more importantly, to learn how the private ICT sector and female ICT experts can become better aligned for the future.
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