A Western conceptualization of sovereignty that disregards, for example, the unceded sovereignties of colonized groups the world over – a point we expand on in Chapter 5.
In Discipline and Punish, Foucault (1975) also argued that different diseases had been managed differently over time, demonstrating shifts in the way that power was mobilized and manifested. He stated, ‘If it is true that the leper gave rise to rituals of exclusion, which to a certain extent provided the model for and general form of the great Confinement, then the plague gave rise to disciplinary projects. Rather than the massive, binary division between one set of people and another, it called for multiple separations, individualizing distributions, an organization in depth of surveillance and control, an intensification and a ramification of power … the great confinement on the one hand; the correct training on the other. The leper and his separation; the plague and its segmentations.’ (Foucault, 1975, p 198)
Creation in this sense cannot, however, be conceptualized as a fixed point in time like in Western ontology; it is instead, ongoing and ever-existing in a non-linear, circular sense (Yunkaporta, 2019).
Anderson (2018: 12) argues, though, that execution continued to be used as a frequent form of punishment within the New South Wales penal colony, indicating that ‘transportation did not entirely replace the death sentence as a “spectacle of suffering”, but incorporated it’.
Of course, these large stretches of desert had been skilfully inhabited by Indigenous peoples for millennia.
The definition of ‘mimini’ shown in square brackets here is drawn from Amery (2016, p 96).
All interviewees referred to in this chapter participated in an Australian Institute of Criminology-funded project entitled Crime and Justice in the Torres Strait Region, which was undertaken by Scott, Staines, & Morton (2021) in 2018–19. The study is published in full here: https://www.aic.gov.au/crg/reports/crg-2416-17
This is similar to the notion of dem tull gossip on Norfolk Island, which Latham (2006, p 81) described as an ‘insidious thing that appears to undermine everything and … [lay] a foundation of both fact and fiction on the Island’.
The ancient Greek and Romans, for instance, assigned hard labour to slaves and ‘scorned free people who did it’ (Lipset, 1990: 62).
For example, the UN Refugee Convention (1951) and UN Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (1967), to which Australia became a party in 1954 and 1973, respectively. For a list of UN Refugee Convention (1951) participants, see: https://www.unhcr.org/en-au/5d9ed32b4; for a list of UN Protocol Relating to the Status of Refugees (1967) participants, see: https://www.unhcr.org/en-au/5d9ed66a4.
In relation to gold-mining operations in Ghana, for instance, Garvin et al (2009: 579) explained that interviews with community members and miners (n = 30) across three separate communities indicated: ‘negative impacts on land tenure, security and crime, and in some cases culture. … In terms of cultural values, members in Communities A and B believed the mining developments disrupted social norms and noted a decrease in the sense of community, family ties, strict observance of some social norms, and traditional respect for the elderly. They also identified a rise in unacceptable criminal behaviour such as prostitution and theft, and attributed these to the in-migration of a new population as well as a shift towards a monetary economy.’
Prior to the advancement of mining in these three communities, all had small largely localized economies, consisting of agriculture and animal husbandry, small trading, small-scale mining, and gin distilling. Thus, the magnitude of social economic change that came with the transition to large-scale mining was significant (Garvin et al, 2009). Moreover, although mining promised to advance the social economic interests of the communities, and did in some ways (for example, through the partial improvement of health care and education infrastructure), most of the employment in the mines went to non-locals and the loss of arable land because of the mine meant that those who had previously used the land for subsistence and/or as an economic resource could no longer do so. This has also been found in other studies (for example, Kumah, 2006). In turn, this meant that – as was the case for Nauru and Bougainville – economic benefits flowed away from the communities to outsiders, including corporations, government, and outsider employees. Thus, in contrast to promises made by mining companies, the ground-level experience has often involved family disintegration, displacement from lands, environmental degradation, and increased economic strain.