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- Author or Editor: Helen M. Gunter x
Understanding and explaining the durability of segregated education requires the Thinking Politically-Sociologically Framework. Following on from examining vantage points, viewpoints, and regimes is the need to investigate exchange relationships that secure the claimocracy. Five forms of exchange relationships are presented: personal, employment, project, socio-political, and cultural, and it is argued that personal-cultural contractualism dominates. A case study from Theme 3: Policy Actors is presented, where data and analysis about local policymaking are used to demonstrate policy violence through how strategic and tactical change are understood and engaged with regarding academisation.
Understanding and explaining the durability of segregated education requires the Thinking Politically-Sociologically Framework. Following on from examining vantage points, viewpoints, regimes, and exchange relationships is the need to investigate the knowledge production that underpins the claimocracy. Four policy positions in relation to criticality within Critical Education Policy Studies are identified: description, science, entrepreneurialism, and scholarship, where the primacy of entrepreneurialism is examined. A case study from Theme 4: Knowledge Production is presented where the writing and conceptualisation of intellectual histories demonstrates how policy violence is based on recognising wants, needs, and likes, and the denial of intellectual activism.
This chapter is the conclusion to the book, and a summary of the arguments about segregation and eugenics in education is provided by using the Thinking Politically-Sociologically Framework. The argument is that political sociology enables the Critical Education Policy Studies field to think productively in relation to, first, a political sociology of and about the education reform claimocracy; and second, a political sociology for and by the field regarding positioning within and in relation to the claimocracy. It is argued that research and scholarship within and by the field of Critical Education Policy Studies is in danger and so may find the adoption of little agoras and intellectual activism helpful regarding the purposes and practices of research.
The segregation of education services is based on an education reform claimocracy that espouses eugenicist beliefs in order to sustain oligarchic club sovereignty as modern and modernising. This book presents empirical data and conceptual analysis from a range of projects to understand and explain segregation through undertaking a political sociology of education policy. Thinking tools from Arendtian and Bourdieusian scholarship are used to reveal policy violence through how policy is authorised, legitimised, and presented as intelligent. The book is in two parts: Part I examines the education reform claimocracy through presenting eugenicist populism as a modernising agenda, governing by knowledge production, and how modernising and knowledge are used to promote policy mortality. Part II provides a Thinking Politically-Sociologically Framework in order to describe, understand, and explain the education reform claimocracy through examining vantage points, viewpoints, regimes, and exchange relationships. The knowledge production that serves the education reform claimocracy is examined, and the plurality of intellectual history is revealed and so presents intellectual activism as integral to thinking about and for education policy.
The segregation of education services is based on an education reform claimocracy that espouses eugenicist beliefs in order to sustain oligarchic club sovereignty as modern and modernising. This book presents empirical data and conceptual analysis from a range of projects to understand and explain segregation through undertaking a political sociology of education policy. Thinking tools from Arendtian and Bourdieusian scholarship are used to reveal policy violence through how policy is authorised, legitimised, and presented as intelligent. The book is in two parts: Part I examines the education reform claimocracy through presenting eugenicist populism as a modernising agenda, governing by knowledge production, and how modernising and knowledge are used to promote policy mortality. Part II provides a Thinking Politically-Sociologically Framework in order to describe, understand, and explain the education reform claimocracy through examining vantage points, viewpoints, regimes, and exchange relationships. The knowledge production that serves the education reform claimocracy is examined, and the plurality of intellectual history is revealed and so presents intellectual activism as integral to thinking about and for education policy.
This chapter reports on primary research into the experience of education professionals who are located at the interface of the privatisation of public education in England. Specifically data are provided from “dispossessed experts” who have moved into private consultancy through the push of redundancy from the public system and/or the pull of business freedoms as a rejection of public bureaucracy. I examine what it means to be located within a ‘conjunctural crisis’ through using the thinking tools of hysteresis, mimicry and misrecognition in order to examine the influence of corporate elites. Such influences impact on how individuals reposition at a time of major changes to identity and working lives (and livelihoods), where the neoliberal project is lived, revised and constructed through ordinary decisions and practices.
This chapter provides an overview of the book’s main themes. This book presents a new conceptualisation, so-called Knowledgeable Polities, and identifies and deploys the Education Policy Knowledgeable Polity as the methodological means of examining the dynamics of the state, people, practices, ideologies and networks. Such an approach allows the study to consider the conditions for rethinking politically ongoing ‘reforms’ of education. The book provides access to ideas, evidence, and practices vital for the re-politicisation of public services education. By engaging with Hannah Arendt as a ‘discussion partner’, it explores a range of ideas and arguments.
This chapter suggests that the combination of the ‘uncommon’ knowledges for and about the curriculum and teacher readies both for schools as businesses, where data on pupil outcomes has come to dominate the design and delivery of the curriculum and pedagogy for a segregated marketplace. Core to this has been a shift in accountability away from collegiality and peer review towards data-determined performance measurement as competent teaching. Teachers and teaching are now directly implicated in the construction and maintenance of sectarian divides based on uncommon knowledges. The chapter explores these trends using Hannah Arendt’s identification of labour, work, and action. It first outlines her ideas before critically engaging with the notion and realities of performance accountability.
This chapter considers the continued dominance of the private over the common purposes of education. It focuses on access to a school and examines what this means for plurality. Notably, through the deployment of the Education Policy Knowledgeable Polity, it gives prime attention to the demand side and how deregulation by the state means that parents have been offered ‘choice’ in the public system through schemes such as vouchers. The practices involved in offering and responding to the exercise of a preference for a ‘good’ school place is enabled through a form of depoliticisation by colonisation of globally networked market ideologies. Instinctively it seems that vouchers are enabling of plurality, but the chapter show how parental choice mechanisms are primarily rhetorical, by facilitating and strengthening segregation as a form of biopolitical distinctiveness.
For Hannah Arendt, education ‘turns children toward the world’, and so ‘it is care for the world, not technical skills or moral development, that is its hallmark’. However, this chapter shows how the trend in this ‘turn to the world’ is usually the first rather than the second case as a form of regulated natality within a segregated education system, where biopolitical distinctiveness means that ‘elite’ children know their entitlements while the majority of children know their place. The deployment of the Education Policy Knowledgeable Polity to the reforms of school restructuring in England enables an examination of direct interventions by the state as a form of depoliticisation by personalisation.
