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A Networking Approach to Community Development

There is growing recognition in practice and policy of how networking contributes to the vitality and cohesion of community life and civil society. The Well-Connected Community provides theoretical insights and practical guidance for people working with and for communities.

This updated edition takes account of the changing political and economic context, including rising social inequalities and community tensions. It considers new approaches to well being, such as social prescribing and the use of social media for local and global organising. This model of community development explains and promotes networking as a skilled and strategic intervention and provides recommendations for good practice.

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The only up-to-date, accessibly written short guide to community development, this third edition offers an invaluable and authoritative introduction. Fully updated to reflect changes in policy, practice, economics and culture, it will equip readers with an understanding of the history and theory of community development, as well as practical guidance on how to do it.

This is a key text for all students and practitioners working with communities. It includes:

• a broad overview of core themes, concepts, basic practices and key issues in community development;

• an analysis of the impact of COVID-19 on community life and well-being, along with the implications for longer-term community support;

• additional brand new content on the pressing issues of democratic decline, social fragmentation and isolation, social care pressures, technological developments and climate change.

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Tomorrow’s communities need to be resilient and optimistic. Yet many of today’s most challenged communities are operating ‘at the edge’: socially, economically and geographically. In many ways, this puts them at a disadvantage – vulnerable and fragmented, as described in Chapter 1. Tomorrow’s communities must find ways to overcome these fringe ‘dis-benefits’, using internal resourcefulness and cross-cutting connections to become resilient and more integrated despite a manifestly uneven distribution of wealth, power and life chances. A decade of austerity cuts in public spending, coupled with the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent recession, has further exposed inequalities, leaving many feeling ‘left behind’ compared with others; just about surviving but certainly not thriving (Baldwin et al, 2020). Left-behind areas are characterised by Oxford Consultants for Social Inclusion as having ‘high levels of need, multiple deprivation and socio-economic challenges’, along with ‘poor community and civic infrastructure, relative isolation and low levels of participation’ (OCSI, 2019).

Recent research discovered that areas of particular ‘community need’ tend to be located around the coast, on the peripheries of more prosperous cities and out-of-town estates (OCSI, 2019). While the study distinguishes between deprivation and lack of collective assets, there is clearly an issue arising from poor connectivity and reduced access to public services or fast broadband, causing poor health and shrunken life opportunities, especially for urban dwellers without secure jobs or living in rented accommodation. Many are also vulnerable to energy poverty, unpredictable weather conditions and severe flooding.

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When the stranger says: what is the meaning of this city? Do you huddle together because you love each other?

What will you answer? ‘We all dwell together

To make money from each other’? or ‘This is a community’?

T.S. Eliot, Chorus from ‘The rock’, 1934

Despite its varied definitions and applications, community development is fundamentally about the development of ‘community’; but what do we mean by ‘community’? It makes sense to begin by examining what we know and understand about the concept. This book is based on a belief that the experience of community is generated by and manifest in the informal networks that exist between people, between groups and between organisations. Community provides a crucial dimension to our lives and is a persistent theme within policy making. Throughout history, people have lamented the decline or eclipse of community (Stein, 1960) and the associated weakening of local social ties.

The idea of community is generally regarded as a force for good: a means of survival and progress. Lack of community is considered a present-day ‘social evil’, confirming an apparent yearning for community spirit and mutuality (Duerden, 2018). A survey carried out in the UK indicated that the presence of strong community spirit came fourth in people’s wish list for what made an ideal place to live (Nextdoor, 2016). The majority in this sample also reported that they felt there had been a loss of ‘community belonging’, as compared with their grandparents’ generation, resulting in a sense of loneliness and vulnerability in the face of criminal or anti-social behaviour.

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I refuse the prison of ‘I’ and choose the open spaces of ‘We’.

Toni Morrison, Mouth Full of Blood, 2019

Community brings many benefits to us as individuals and for society. This chapter looks at how community networks support collective arrangements that enable people to live and work together. It will also explore the negative aspects of community networks that can lead to stress, exclusion and corruption. Networks enable us to meet personal and social challenges, seize opportunities and deal with some of the problems facing communities in this increasingly global, yet fractured, world. Over the years, governments of all persuasions have sought to harness the power and knowledge to be found in communities, and the chapter considers how policy making has incorporated these functions to the advantage of both state and society.

Low-income communities, struggling with hardship and uncertainty, are often praised for their resilience, despite what Dobson (2018) calls ‘frenetic neglect’. But resilience doesn’t necessarily challenge social injustices; for those affected, it tends to be associated with communities ‘getting by’ and ‘just about managing’ (Hickman et al, 2014). The Joseph Rowntree Foundation’s (JRF) ‘liveable lives’ research revealed the patterns and traditions of often mundane, subtle and unnoticed ‘everyday help and support’ in three neighbourhoods of Glasgow (Anderson et al, 2015). There were a number of components to this arrangement, not least the levels of trust and solidarity. Residents felt that the city’s reputation for friendliness gave them a ‘licence’ to act in kind and generous ways, maintaining a ‘moral economy’ (Anderson et al, 2015, p 41) of mutual sociability involving favours, swaps and helping hands that enabled people to ‘stick together’ while valuing both privacy and reciprocity.

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There is no greater service than to help a community to liberate itself.

Nelson Mandela, 2003

If society needs ‘community’, and community doesn’t necessarily just happen, what is needed to help bring it about? How does community work support networks and promote greater connectivity? Chapter 3 provides an overview of community development. It traces the history of community development as a form of funded or external intervention over the past century and up to the present day. The role of community workers in supporting networks is highlighted briefly, in preparation for a more detailed consideration in the following chapters.

This book generally views community development as a professional occupation, a paid role with established values and skills, and associated responsibilities to achieve certain outcomes. I fully acknowledge that many factors contribute to the development of communities, most importantly the time, energy and expertise of local community members themselves, as well as resources, technical expertise and activities offered by partner organisations. Many communities function well without professional inputs, although all can benefit from even small amounts of support, for example advice, facilitation, mediation and reflection.

Community development in the UK has tended to emphasise a generic approach to strengthening community capacity and tackling broader issues around equality and social justice (Gilchrist and Taylor, 2016). Processes and principles are regarded as paramount and this is reflected through an emphasis on working with, rather than for or on behalf of, people. In this book, the term ‘community development’ is used broadly, encompassing a number of approaches to working with communities, and these different models will be explored further in this chapter.

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You have to go by instinct and you have to be brave.

Whitney Otto, How to Make an American Quilt, 1990

There are a range of approaches or models of community development practice. While being susceptible to changing political and economic contexts, they are by no means mutually exclusive and all have featured at least for a time in UK practice, as well as being applied in different circumstances internationally.

As much as laying out a set of methods, community development has consistently emphasised its values and principles. Practitioner-led organisations have argued that these commitments are vital aspects of shared definitions and expected standards. In recent years, though, programmes have tended to specify outputs and broader outcomes, only some of which (such as increased confidence and community capacity) might suggest the adoption of community development processes.

The models described in the previous chapter incorporate various processes, skills and outcomes that are involved in community development. In order to distinguish this from community activism or voluntary work, it is useful to think about the role that the paid community worker plays in:

  • enabling people to become involved by removing practical and political barriers to their participation;

  • encouraging individuals to contribute to activities and decision making, and to keep going when things get difficult;

  • empowering others by increasing their confidence and ability to influence decisions and take responsibility for their own actions;

  • engaging with groups and organisations to increase community involvement in partnerships and other forms of public decision making;

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How do you hold a hundred tons of water in the air with no visible means of support? You build a cloud.

K.C. Cole, Sympathetic vibrations, 1984, p 38

In recent years the concept of networks as a form of organisation has gained in currency both as a metaphor and as an explanatory tool for a range of natural phenomena (Barabási, 2014; Newman, 2010). The term ‘network’ seems to have been available in the 19th century, although it was first used in academic literature by Radcliffe-Brown in 1940 and early sociologists recognised its significance as an aspect of social living (Warner and Lunt, 1942). It offers a useful model for examining the interactions of daily life and thinking about community dynamics. As the previous chapter showed, within community development, networks are seen as the means for coordinating collective action, supporting the activities of practitioners and providing important means of communication through various technologies, increasingly using online platforms and social media, as well as face-to-face interaction.

This chapter provides an introduction to network theory, specifically examining form and function. It reviews analytical models developed from group and organisational studies and identifies key features often associated with effective networking. Networks are presented as an effective mode of organising in complex and turbulent environments. They play an important role in the development of successful coalitions and partnerships. Networks can either be described as ‘organic’ – sustained as a natural result of the interactions between members – or they can be seen as ‘engineered’ – devised and established by an external agency for a specific purpose.

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The reason we form networks is because the benefits of a connected life outweigh the costs.

Nicholas Christakis, Interview in Wired: Business, 2010

As we saw in earlier chapters, participation in community life holds a number of advantages (as well as some drawbacks). This chapter sets out how networks specifically perform useful functions that are aligned with the purposes and principles of community development, especially their ability to carry ideas, information and resources across boundaries and to build meaningful relationships enabling people to cooperate in addressing shared challenges.

In some respects, networks can be regarded as informal knowledge creation and management systems. They are usually non-hierarchical, with a range of access points and a multitude of transmission routes. This means that information can be obtained and transferred between any number of different nodes without being monitored or censored. This multiplexity is a major factor in the resilience of networks to structural flaws, disruption or attempts to control the through-flow of information.

Network-type structures are particularly useful in situations when information is ambiguous or risky, since contradictions can be clarified by turning to alternative sources for comparison and checking. Dialogue and debate within networks transform information so that it becomes intelligence (about the current situation) and knowledge (about the wider context). This is vital for solving immediate problems and for adapting to a changing world. Community connections are like the neural networks made of axons and dendrites in the brain, processing, integrating and transmitting information across linguistic and cultural boundaries like some kind of supercomputer constantly revising a shared but dispersed model of the world (Dunbar, 1996).

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To understand is, as ever, to put choice in place of chance.

Charles Handy, Understanding voluntary organisations, 1988, p 113

Networking involves the creation, maintenance and use of links and relationships between individuals and/or organisations. Networking itself is a neutral tool: it can be used for a variety of purposes – selfish, political, altruistic – or simply to get things done. Networking for community development is obviously influenced by key values around equality, empowerment and participation. It may also seem a popular, albeit mildly manipulative, means of gaining personal and political advancement.

The evidence used in this and the following chapters was mainly gathered from my doctoral research, which included a case study of the coordination of the Bristol Festival Against Racism (Gilchrist, 1994) and a Panel Study involving 11 community workers. Over a two-year period in the later 1990s they were asked about their involvement in networks and encouraged to reflect on their own experience. In particular, the enquiry aimed to unpack the principles and processes of networking to examine how this contributed to their work and what made them ‘good’ networkers. The initials after each quote refer to the panellists, all of whom were happy to have their identity revealed in the acknowledgements. (For details of research methodology, see Gilchrist, 2001.) This evidence is supplemented in this edition with observations and insights from my own practice and more recent research in this field, notably projects investigating the habits, profiles and practices of ‘change-makers’ (Social Change Project, 2018) and smart urban intermediaries (Durose et al, 2016; www.smart-urban-intermediaries.com).

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