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Popular views of white working-class communities are common but knowledge of their views on multiculturalism and change less so. This important book provides the first substantial analysis of white working-class perspectives on themes of multiculturalism and change in the UK, creating an opportunity for these ‘silent voices’ to be heard. Based on over 200 interviews in multiple sites the results are startling - challenging politicians, policy makers and researchers. Improving our understanding of how this group went from ‘hero to zero’, became framed as racist, resistant to change and disconnected from politics, the book suggests a new and progressive agenda for white working class communities to become a fully inclusive part of a modern and diverse country in the 21st century. The book will be valuable to academics and students as well as policy-makers and practitioners in national government and organisations.
The first chapter explores the meaning of whiteness and working class starting from the incorrect premise that the white working class has been presented as a single, unified group, lacking in variation without regard to income, tenure or place. In the context of multiculturalism it is pitted against minority communities in a ‘clash of cultures’, as two suspect and problematic groups, competing for limited resources with the latter blamed by the former for their lowly predicament. The pathway to a definitive meaning of the white working class is cluttered and complex. In reality there is not one white working class but many with each shaped by economic, social and political factors as well as place. Policy and political narratives need to avoid the reductionism that leads to ascribing white working class communities with fixed cultural tropes that are a long way from reality.
In this chapter the view that the rise of multiculturalism muted the voice of these communities is disputed with changing economic and political priorities being put forward as much more rational reasons. The collapse of coalmining, steel and shipbuilding had a devastating impact on working class neighbourhoods leading to generational unemployment. This happened alongside government reforms that curbed trade union power and the shift of the Labour Party–the traditional voice of white working class communities - in appealing to middle class voters. In the aftermath of the 2001 riots multiculturalism was marginalised by successive governments and a new political consensus emerged that negatively conflated immigration with diversity. Concerns about immigration and disillusionment with established political parties led to the rise in support for UKIP based on appealing to white working class voters. The clamour to win white working class support by a nostalgic retrospective combined with a febrile debate on immigration could easily lead to an erroneous assumption that white working class communities are backward, resistant to change and in support of extreme positions.
This chapter will reflect on the way that white working class perspectives on multiculturalism and change have been represented in popular culture; in both film and television, as activists in key political events such as the 1958 Notting Hill Riots and the 1968 ‘Rivers of Blood’ by Enoch Powell, and within music genres of Punk and 2tone. Interestingly the popular portrayal shows how difficult it is to anchor a definitive position for white working class communities. In film and television they have alternated to being comedic, heroic and tragic whilst at Notting Hill and Rivers of Blood white working class voices were framed as unreconstructed and violent racists. In the latter examples of Punk and 2Tone the narrative is of white working class communities–black and white–coming together to celebrate difference and taking on vested interests.
Despite differences in population, politics and ideology, the narratives of white working class loss, grievance about immigration and social change and political disconnection have been played out in many parts of Europe the United States. This chapter will consider the politics of white working class communities in the context of countries that are becoming ethnically diverse as a result of immigration. Sweden is regarded as a progressive and inclusive country with a tradition of a generous welfare state. Yet it has witnessed the emergence and growth of the extreme right anti-immigration party, the Sweden Democrats based on winning support from white working class communities. In the US, the Tea Party has become increasingly influential in national and local politics based on a mix of low taxes, extreme conservative and evangelical Christian positions on topical issues such as abortion, guns and immigration.
Based on the two substantive research projects conduced in in four different locations across England this is the first of two chapters that provide a grassroots perspective on multiculturalism and change that appears to be at odds with the commonly held view that white working class communities are collectively supporters of extreme right wing politics and opposed to multiculturalism. The chapter shows that the far larger theme of disconnection at both national and local levels. Politics and politicians had failed to provide public goods and services in the wake of troubling economic times. Jobs had been lost, housing was difficult to access and unaffordable, and public sector cuts had been made to local services. Immigration was not a consistent factor in these grassroots conversations. On occasions it was raised as an issue that compounded challenges experienced by white working class communities. People were proud to belong to multicultural communities and spoke about their own family histories of ethnic diversity as well as the lived experienced of working and living alongside different types of groups.
This chapter provides community perspectives on national policy frameworks such as community cohesion and integration. Rather than bringing communities together they were seen as imposing doctrinaire solutions that favoured some groups and not others. White working class communities did not view themselves as being part of these policy debates and were unclear and critical of overarching concepts. A common criticism was the perception that policies were ‘top down’ and delivered by remote government when the need was for ‘bottom up’ conversations and delivery. Scepticism of community cohesion and integration and the role of government did not mean support for extreme right wing political organisations. Instead white working class communities wanted fairness not favours and initiatives embedded in lived experiences of diverse groups.
The chapter will construct a different narrative on white working class politics related to multiculturalism and change. Commonalities exist with minority communities in terms of class, values and space as well as personal interactions such as relationships and marriage, in the context of work or school. White working class communities have also been at the forefront of collective bargaining actions through trade unions and have played a critical role in demonstrating a desire for anti-racism in popular movements such as 2tone. This suggests that white working class communities can be viewed as being inclusive and progressive on multiculturalism. But it must be remembered that polling on immigration has revealed that most social classes in Britain favour of greater restrictions on immigration. The message that needs to be emphasised is that white working class communities should be regarded as being as diverse as any other group in society in response to issues of immigration. There is a need for institutions to reconnect and promote coalitions of interest between different groups at a grassroots level.
Widely stereotyped as anti-immigrant, against civil-rights or supporters of Trump and the right, can the white working class of America really be reduced to a singular group with similar views?
Based on extensive interviews across five cities at a crucial point in US history, this significant book showcases what the white working class think about many of the defining issues of the age - from race, identity and change to the crucial on-the-ground debates occurring at the time of the 2016 US election.
As the 2020 presidential elections draw near, this is an invaluable insight into the complex views on Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, and the extent and reach they have to engage in cross-racial connections.
Minority ethnic communities’ experience within the housing system in the UK can be understood in the context of post-colonial immigration and settlement, growing progress towards ‘race’ equality and wider changes in providing housing for people on low incomes. More recently, it should also be viewed within the context of policy shifts, an increasingly hostile environment to migrants and the outcome of the referendum in the UK on European Union (EU) membership. Drawing on research conducted in England and Scotland, this chapter begins by considering some of the key issues affecting minority ethnic groups’ access to housing and their experiences within the housing system, including the sharp end of lack of access to housing, that is, homelessness and changes in housing tenure. It then considers minority ethnic participation within the system through the rise and decline of Black-led housing associations in England. Finally, the chapter concludes by considering some recent policy initiatives and their potential for overcoming some of the difficulties discussed.
In the UK, responsibility for housing resides within central government, with local authorities and voluntary sector agencies implementing centrally driven policies (Edgar, 2004), with some local variations. Social housing – which is subsidised by the state – is one of the main ‘planks’ of the housing safety net that provides a level of protection for poor and vulnerable UK nationals. Access to social housing – as in many other Western European countries – is conditional on citizenship status (Netto et al, 2015). Undocumented migrants or asylum-seekers are thus not eligible for social housing.
