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  • Author or Editor: Jack Cunliffe x
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This chapter discusses the importance of measuring attitudes accurately in criminology research, particularly in survey research. Issues of measurement often mean that subsequent analysis lacks clarity and datasets remain underused. The chapter argues that this does not need to be the case if appropriate consideration of the available questionnaire items, previous measurement methods and theoretical expectations are taken into consideration. To demonstrate this, theoretically and empirically informed reflexive measurement is applied to the England and Wales Offending, Crime and Justice Survey 2004 to 2006 to derive a measure of criminogenic propensity that aligns with existing individual-level attitudes that have been used in the criminological literature. The result is a measure with high face, content, predictive and construct validity derived from this underused data source by operationalizing a second-order latent variable that contains a range of questions that match, as closely as possible, against familiar measures of individual criminogenic propensity. This demonstrates an intuitive measurement framework based on the acknowledgement of the realism within measurement, followed by questioning what has previously been done from both a theoretical and empirical perspective, and asking how that can be reliably reproduced, given different items. Application of this approach to the measurement to other constructs is considered.

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This chapter looks in detail at what happened after the crisis to the employment, earnings, incomes and wealth of groups of the population divided in different ways. It looks at how fortunes have varied by gender, age, ethnicity, housing tenure, region and disability status. The legacy of the crisis did not fall evenly. Gender gaps in pay remained wide, but women’s incomes tended to be more protected than men, because they were more likely to be receiving benefits or pensions. Divides by housing tenure remained and if anything widened, especially in incomes after allowing for housing costs. The experiences of different regions also differed sharply, particularly between London and the rest of the country, while inequalities within London are far greater than in any other region. The clearest change over the period was the deteriorating position of young adults, and in the growing economic gradients between younger and older people

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