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98 Benefits Number 43 • Volume 13 • Issue 2 Disability: rights, work and security Marilyn Howard Disability is a complex and contested issue, often with tensions between policy approaches of ‘benefits’ and ‘rights’, that is, benefits as compensation for exclusion rather than civil rights to enable inclusion (Daniel, 1998). These intersect with different models of disability (medical, social and transactional: Howard, 2003). Traditionally, the medical model has been the ‘moral basis’ for benefits (SSAC, 1997), although increasingly the social model is accepted
163 Why have disability categories in social security? Deborah Mabbett The specification of categories (for example, unemployment, old age, disability) is a well-established feature of social security. However, disability categories are problematic: the evidence on which decisions have to be made is complex, and understandings of the nature of disability are highly contested. Disability categories could be reformed by unification with other categories used in the same policy area (for example, unemployment) or by fragmentation into new, smaller categories
Key messages Public survey evidence produces official portraits of disability and also hidden figures of disabled people. No one model of disability offers a complete depiction of the diverse lived realities for disabled people. Each model casts some light and shadows on the multiplicity of experiences of disabled people. During the COVID-19 global pandemic we can observe a damning revelation of the dire conditions of the uncounted disabled and poorly supported disabled, particularly the homeless and seniors in long-term care facilities and nursing
175 Disability Working Allowance: what was the point? Norman Cockett Disability Working Allowance (DWA) was introduced in 1992 as a benefit to top up the wages of disabled people working 16 hours a week or more. This was the first major attempt, within UK social security policy, to help disabled people take up and remain in paid jobs. The formal evaluation of DWA suggested that the benefit had failed in a number of respects. The purpose of this article is to reflect on what was achieved by introducing DWA. The author looks at the stated objectives and other
disabilities, in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul (MS). We briefly draw on conceptualisations of Indigenous persons, disability and children, and review national and international legislation that deals with the rights of children, Indigenous people and people with disabilities, to identify how the legislation addresses the issue. This also serves to present the normative framework for these topics as currently in force in Brazil. We then introduce the Kaiowá and Guarani people, inhabitants of the region of Dourados in the state of MS, in central-western Brazil, offering a
Introduction In this article we look at systemic violence: the ‘life-shattering violence caused by decisions that are made in parliamentary chambers and government offices’ ( Cooper and Whyte, 2017 : 1) with regard to people with severe disabilities who are in receipt of disability benefits in the UK. We explore how this systemic violence is intrinsic to the political and social practices of maintaining a neoliberal welfare regime, with its predisposition towards the harmful targeting of populations on the wrong side of inequality, unable to meet the demands
Policy & Politics vol 30 no 3 387 © The Policy Press, 2002 • ISSN 0305 5736 English Mental health service users/survivors are subject to both mental health and disability policies, yet there appears to be an ambiguity in the approach of disability policy and disability politics to them. Mental health policy, which has always had powers to restrict their rights, is now increasingly associating mental health service users/survivors with ‘dangerousness’ and focusing on them as a threat to ‘public safety’. Mental health service users’/survivors’ organisations
The COVID-19 pandemic has left inequalities in schools wider and uncertainty about the future greater. Now seems an appropriate time to think about the contribution schooling makes to the communities it serves and the country generally.
However, drawing on his recent research, Richard Riddell argues that the increasingly narrow focus of Education governance after 20 years of reform has made new thinking impossible and has degraded public life.
Nevertheless, he highlights new possibilities for democratic behaviour and the opening up of schooling to all it serves.
Education policies should drive success and equity but in many countries they are failing to do so. Situating the cases of England and Australia within broader global policy trends, this book critically analyses what has gone wrong.
The authors draw on extensive research in education to review the impact of multiple policies on students, teachers and schools, with a focus on communities where children and young people need education most. They issue a fundamental challenge to the policy orthodoxies of recent decades and set out a blueprint for making education both better and fairer.
Although higher education in the UK has expanded opportunities for much of the population, in many ways it remains stubbornly elitist.
In order to address this crisis in education, Peter Scott, a leading expert and unique voice, examines the development of mass higher education and proposes a ‘radical escape-forward’. He calls for more robust action to secure fair access at all levels and changes in the governance and management at both system and institutional levels to ensure more democratic accountability.
Setting out a clear and radical programme for reform, this book makes an important contribution to current debates in education in the context of the evolution of the UK economy and wider society.
