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The Changing Politics of Abortion in Britain
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Examining the changing pluralities of contemporary abortion debate in Britain, this innovative and important book shows why it is necessary to move beyond an understanding of abortion politics as characterised in binary terms by ‘pro-choice’ versus ‘pro-life’.

Amery traces the evolution of political and parliamentary discourses from the passage of the Abortion Act in the 1960s to the present day, and argues that the current provision of abortion in Britain rests on assumptions about medical authority over women’s reproductive decision-making which are unsustainable.

She explores new arguments around sex-selective abortion, disability rights, pre-abortion counselling and the push for decriminalization, and radically reconceptualizes the debate to account for these new battlegrounds in abortion politics.

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Legal Responses to COVID-19 – Justice and Social Responsibility
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The effects of COVID-19 are visited disproportionately on the already disadvantaged.

This important text maps out ways in which those already disadvantaged have been affected by legal responses to COVID-19. Contributors tackle issues including virtual trials, adult social care, racism, tax and spending, education and more. They reflect on the implications of COVID-19 and express concerns with policy and practice developments and with the neutral version of the law and the economy which has taken root.

Drawing on diverse resources, this text offers an account of the damage caused by legal responses to the pandemic and demonstrates how the future response can be positive and productive.

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How We Failed Children of Color

Disproportionate Minority Contact (DMC) refers to the proportional overrepresentation of minority youth at each step of the juvenile justice system.

This book addresses the issue of color-blind racism through an examination of the circular logic used by the juvenile justice system to criminalize non-White youth.

Drawing on original data, including interviews with court and probation officers and juvenile self-reports, the authors call for a need to understand racial and ethnic inequality in the juvenile justice system from a structural perspective rather than simply at the level of individual bias.

This unique research will contribute to larger discussions on how race operates in the United States.

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Introduction This article seeks to acknowledge how disabled people 2 navigate and counter how society makes them feel about their difference. To this end, I introduce two converse yet complementary feeling strategies promoted in Disability Studies: cripping and reclaiming . Cripping invites us to feel proud about disability, whereas reclaiming acknowledges the hurtful feelings that, at times, belong to the disability experience. The following sections will elaborate on what those two feeling strategies do, the utopian hopes attached to them, their major

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89 Families, Relationships and Societies • vol 8 • no 1 • 89–104 • © Policy Press 2019 Print ISSN 2046 7435 • Online ISSN 2046 7443 • https://doi.org/10.1332/096278917X15015139344438 Accepted for publication 22 July 2017 • First published online 02 August 2017 article Comparative life experiences: young adult siblings with and without disabilities’ different understandings of their respective life experiences during young adulthood Ariella Meltzer, a.meltzer@unsw.edu.au University of New South Wales, Sydney, Australia Research shows that siblings of people

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). Serious Crime Bill, 2015 Became Serious Crime Act Two amendments were tabled relating to sex-selective abortion: Fiona Bruce’s amendment explicitly criminalising the practice (which failed), and a further amendment requiring to government to collect evidence on sex-selective abortion (which passed). Lord Shinkwin, 2016 Report stage (Lords) Remove the clause permitting abortions in the case of severe disability after 24 weeks’ gestation. Johnson, 2016 First Reading Repeal sections 58 and 59 of the Offences Against the Person Act 1861

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law The sex-selection debate is just one example of how the terrain of abortion politics has changed in the UK in the 21st century. Recently, disability rights campaigners have sought to abolish the section of the Abortion Act that allows abortion up until birth if ‘there is a substantial risk that if the child were born it would suffer from such physical or mental abnormalities as to be seriously handicapped’, arguing that it represents discrimination on the grounds of disability. MPs have also introduced Bills attempting to regulate the provision of counselling

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UK reproductive justice movement might also revisit arguments about abortion and disability. Abortion rights advocates have tended to defend the Abortion Act 1967’s exemption to the normal 24-week limit to legal abortion for cases of severe foetal disability. However, as Sheelagh McGuinness has argued, this exemption is discriminatory as ‘some foetuses are being stripped of a layer of legal protection they would otherwise have: disability is being used to differentiate legal protections between foetuses’ (2013: 237). For McGuinness, the argument that the clause

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authorities in regulating abortion – insights that are now serving it well in the push for full decriminalization. However, it has been worse equipped to deal with some counter-campaigns that have emerged in the last decade, particularly those claiming to address other issues of human rights and equality, such as sex-selective abortion and disability rights. Pregnancy, motherhood and feminism Feminists have long argued that lack of control over one’s ability to reproduce (or not) is experienced as dehumanizing and alienating. This section begins with Simone de

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the likelihood of disability using new technology. Such arguments did not necessarily stem from a belief in a fundamental right to bodily autonomy, but from the belief that disability should exempt the pregnant woman from the usual moral concerns. In doing so, they legitimized abortion in ‘eugenic, rather than woman-centred terms’ ( Steinberg, 1991 : 187). Moreover, participants justified post-viability abortions on the grounds that they might restore women to motherhood. According to these arguments, if a woman is compelled to carry a severely disabled foetus to

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