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‘Commerce and manufactures gradually introduced order and good government,’ wrote Adam Smith in his Wealth of Nations, ‘and with them, the liberty and security of individuals.’ However, Philipp Rössner shows how, when looked at in the face of history, it has usually been the other way around.
This book follows the development of capitalism from the Middle Ages through the industrial revolution to modern day, casting new light on the areas where pre-modern political economies of growth and development made a difference. It shows how order and governance provided the foundation for prosperity, growth and the wealth of nations.
Written for scholars and students of economic history, this is a pioneering new study that debunks the neoliberal origin myth of how capitalism came into the world.
This ambitious collection follows the evolution of capitalism from its origins in 13th-century European towns to its 16th-century expansion into Asia, Africa and South America and on to the global capitalism of modern day.
Written by distinguished historians and social scientists, the chapters examine capitalism and its critics and the level of variation and convergence in its operation across locations. The authors illuminate the aspects of capitalism that have encouraged, but also limited, social responsibility and environmental sustainability.
Covering times, places and topics that have often been overlooked in the existing literature, this important contribution to the field of economic history charts the most comprehensive chronology of capitalism to date.
The COVID-19 pandemic is a Rorschach test for society: everyone sees something different in it, and the range of political and economic responses to the crisis can leave us feeling overwhelmed.
This book cuts through the confusion, dissecting the new post-coronavirus capitalism into several policy areas and spheres of action to inform academic, policy and public discourse.
Covering all the major aspects of contemporary capitalism that have been affected by the pandemic, Andreas Nölke deftly analyses the impacts of the crisis on our socio-economic and political systems. Signposting a new era for global capitalism, he offers alternatives for future economic development in the wake of COVID-19.
In this challenging and original study, Wistow positions social policy within political economy and social contract debates.
Focusing on individual, intergenerational and societal outcomes related to health, place and social mobility in England, he draws on empirical evidence to show how the social contract produces longstanding, highly patterned and inequitable consequences in these areas. Globalisation and the political economy simultaneously contribute to the extent and nature of social problems and to social policy’s capacity to address them effectively.
Applying social contract theory, this book shows that society needs to take ownership of the outcomes it produces and critically interrogates the individualism inherent within the political economy.
,000 of the Wesleyan Methodists’ Centenary Fund of 1839–44 (which raised £229,944) came from the north-west of England, and of the 59 donors giving over £200 each, 22 were textile manufacturers or merchants ( Jeremy, 2020 : 143, 148). A question then arises about what can explain this close relationship between Nonconformists and industrial capitalism in 18th–19th-century Britain, considering they were such a tiny proportion of the population ( Table 7.4 ). General and particular explanations have been advanced. Common to all Nonconformists were the disabilities
experiences related to gender, ethnicity and disability, for example) can rightly be regarded as a high point for an egalitarian form of the social contract. It is also tempting to view it as a ‘blip’ when viewed in historic context. As we will see, there are serious questions about how far equality can be embedded in the social contract. We will return to these issues in a discussion about neoliberal governments in the UK later in this chapter. Next, we will explore what emerged in place of the so-called ‘golden age’. Neoliberal influence Crouch (2011) , Sayer
note, and as someone who wants to see greater equality in terms of class, disability, gender, ethnicity and sexuality, I should, in theory, be reasonably receptive to the identity-based social justice activism just described. That I am not should be of concern to its proponents because I am, more or less, a fellow-traveller in terms of not wanting to see discrimination and prejudicial treatment and outcomes for people based on their identity. However, an excessive focus on discourse becomes tiresome and offputting to my socially liberal 6 mind, and for those with a
social policies and, crucially, the role of the political economy in shaping these complex systems and the consequences this has for the distribution of health outcomes. The concepts of health and health inequalities, then, are critical to understanding the contract between the state and the population it serves. Our chances of living a long and healthy life seem to be fairly fundamental to being free (given the alternatives are premature death and being encumbered to various degrees by illness, disease and disability). The evidence base points to the need for a
people have a realistic opportunity of becoming the best candidate for a job, rather than appointing the best candidate on the day ( Calder, 2016 ). However, this involves serious critical engagement with the notion of equality of condition and how it impacts on the potential for equity of opportunities and outcomes from different backgrounds such as class, race, gender and disability. Boliver and Byrne (2013) question whether those at the top will be as keen on upward social mobility given that changes in the occupational structure (which will be discussed more
of 1918 (codifies the rights of federal employees to join labor unions and bargain collectively) 3. Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938 (deals with the minimum wage and mandatory overtime for employees who work more than 40 hours a week) 4. Americans ivith Disabilities Act of 1990 (prohibits workplace discrimination against disabled people) 5. Occupational Safety and Health Act of 1910 (sets safety regulations for workplaces) 6. Age Discrimination and Employment Act of 1961 (prohibits workplace discrimination against people ages 40 and over) 7. Worker
