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Driven by consumers’ desire for slow and local food, craft breweries, traditional butchers, cheese makers and bakeries have been popping up across the US in the last twenty years. Typically urban and staffed predominantly by white middle class men, these industries are perceived as a departure from tradition and mainstream lifestyles. But this image obscures the diverse communities that have supported artisanal foods for centuries.
Using the oral histories of over 100 people, this book brings to light the voices, experiences, and histories of marginalized groups who keep Southern foodways alive. The larger than life stories of these individuals reveal the complex reality behind the movement and show how they are the backbone of the so-called "new explosion" of craft food.
Providing a much-needed perspective on exclusion and discrimination, this book offers a distinct geographical approach to the topic of hate studies.
Of interest to academics and students of human geography, criminology, sociology and beyond, the book highlights enduring, diverse and uneven experiences of hate in contemporary society. The collection explores the intersecting experiences of those targeted on the basis of assumed and historically marginalised identities.
It illustrates the role of specific spaces and places in shaping hate, why space matters for how hate is encountered and the importance of space in challenging cultures of hate. This analysis of who is able to use or abuse space offers a novel insight into discourses of hate and lived experiences of victimisation.
Telling the stories of young refugees in a range of international urban settings, this book explores how newcomers navigate urban spaces and negotiate multiple injustices in their everyday lives.
This innovative edited volume is based on in-depth, qualitative research with young refugees and their perspectives on migration, social relations, and cultural spaces. The chapters give voice to refugee youth from a wide variety of social backgrounds, including insights about their migration experiences, their negotiations of spatial justice and injustice, and the diverse ways in which they use urban space.
by the author. This chapter will reveal more about that study, focussing on buses as a space that produces hate for disabled people. This chapter looks at the impacts of such abuse, examines examples of sometimes orchestrated aggression, and considers why bystanders seem to do little to help the victims. The chapter will close by offering some potential solutions generated by disabled people to counter the phenomena, which in UK legal terms, is known as disability hate crime. Disability hate crime Since the de-regulation of bus services in the UK in the
Introduction It is well established that disabled people in the UK experience high levels of hostility, harassment and violence ( Hughes et al, 2012 ; Clayton et al, 2016 ). Those with learning disabilities and/or mental health conditions have a heightened chance of victimization than those with physical disabilities only ( Sin et al, 2009 ; Clement et al, 2011 ). The types of hostility and prejudice faced are wide-ranging, from ‘low-level’ verbal incidents to physical violence resulting in death, but all can seriously impact on wellbeing ( Quarmby, 2008
Introduction This chapter explores connections between visibility and situated vulnerability for those targeted on the basis of identities of ‘race’ and faith, sexuality, transgender and disability – intersecting differences historically (re)produced as threatening to prevailing social orders ( Tyler, 2013 ; 2020 ). We argue that who or what becomes hyper-visible (through challenges to socio-spatial arrangements) and subject to the harms of hate (through which meaning and value becomes stuck to subjects, objects and places ( Ahmed, 2001 )), is constituted
‘beyond hate’ (Bowler and Razak; Hall). Contributors also consider dimensions of hate in relation to specific and intersectional communities including ‘race’ and religion (Bowler and Razak; Butler-Warke; Clayton et al; Goerisch), sexuality (Browne and Nash; Clayton et al), gender and transgender identities (Durey et al; Vera-Gray and Fileborn: James and McBride), Gypsy and Traveller identities (James and McBride), disability (Clayton et al; Hall; Daly and Smith; Wilkin) and social class (Butler-Warke). However, all contributions, in different ways, argue for the
you have been targeted because of your disability, race, religion, sexual orientation or transgender identity, or are aware of someone else who has been targeted, we want you to report it. Reporting hate crime is important. If you report it, we can deal with it, we can prevent the same thing happening to someone else and together we can work to rid Scotland of hate . ( Police Scotland, 2021b , emphasis added) The stated potential of reporting to address and even end hate is supported by government policy statements; for example, in the Foreword to the UK
offers an important insight into disability hate crime on public transport pointing to the ever-changing nature of this form of mobility with it also being a necessity for many. An additional set of spatialities that are important in understanding the complex landscapes of hate are associated with specific events – such as conferences, protests, marches, parades and other public events – which may be one-off or repeated regularly. Such events are often connected with specific organizations or networks of groups who have an online presence alongside the event they are
type. While accounts from Black and Asian female students, lesbian, gay and bisexual students, as well as those reporting some form of disability were represented, the accounts belonged primarily to young, white, heterosexual female students. While ethnicity, sexual orientation and disability are implicated here, and suggest a complex relationship regarding marginality (for a discussion of which see Roberts et al, 2019 ), and will likely generate important variations in experience and response to IVA, the most significant predictor of experiencing IVA – and sexual
