Providing a much-needed perspective on exclusion and discrimination, this book offers a distinct geographical approach to the topic of hate studies.
Of interest to academics and students of human geography, criminology, sociology and beyond, the book highlights enduring, diverse and uneven experiences of hate in contemporary society. The collection explores the intersecting experiences of those targeted on the basis of assumed and historically marginalised identities.
It illustrates the role of specific spaces and places in shaping hate, why space matters for how hate is encountered and the importance of space in challenging cultures of hate. This analysis of who is able to use or abuse space offers a novel insight into discourses of hate and lived experiences of victimisation.
by the author. This chapter will reveal more about that study, focussing on buses as a space that produces hate for disabled people. This chapter looks at the impacts of such abuse, examines examples of sometimes orchestrated aggression, and considers why bystanders seem to do little to help the victims. The chapter will close by offering some potential solutions generated by disabled people to counter the phenomena, which in UK legal terms, is known as disability hate crime. Disability hate crime Since the de-regulation of bus services in the UK in the
Introduction It is well established that disabled people in the UK experience high levels of hostility, harassment and violence ( Hughes et al, 2012 ; Clayton et al, 2016 ). Those with learning disabilities and/or mental health conditions have a heightened chance of victimization than those with physical disabilities only ( Sin et al, 2009 ; Clement et al, 2011 ). The types of hostility and prejudice faced are wide-ranging, from ‘low-level’ verbal incidents to physical violence resulting in death, but all can seriously impact on wellbeing ( Quarmby, 2008
Introduction This chapter explores connections between visibility and situated vulnerability for those targeted on the basis of identities of ‘race’ and faith, sexuality, transgender and disability – intersecting differences historically (re)produced as threatening to prevailing social orders ( Tyler, 2013 ; 2020 ). We argue that who or what becomes hyper-visible (through challenges to socio-spatial arrangements) and subject to the harms of hate (through which meaning and value becomes stuck to subjects, objects and places ( Ahmed, 2001 )), is constituted
‘beyond hate’ (Bowler and Razak; Hall). Contributors also consider dimensions of hate in relation to specific and intersectional communities including ‘race’ and religion (Bowler and Razak; Butler-Warke; Clayton et al; Goerisch), sexuality (Browne and Nash; Clayton et al), gender and transgender identities (Durey et al; Vera-Gray and Fileborn: James and McBride), Gypsy and Traveller identities (James and McBride), disability (Clayton et al; Hall; Daly and Smith; Wilkin) and social class (Butler-Warke). However, all contributions, in different ways, argue for the
you have been targeted because of your disability, race, religion, sexual orientation or transgender identity, or are aware of someone else who has been targeted, we want you to report it. Reporting hate crime is important. If you report it, we can deal with it, we can prevent the same thing happening to someone else and together we can work to rid Scotland of hate . ( Police Scotland, 2021b , emphasis added) The stated potential of reporting to address and even end hate is supported by government policy statements; for example, in the Foreword to the UK
offers an important insight into disability hate crime on public transport pointing to the ever-changing nature of this form of mobility with it also being a necessity for many. An additional set of spatialities that are important in understanding the complex landscapes of hate are associated with specific events – such as conferences, protests, marches, parades and other public events – which may be one-off or repeated regularly. Such events are often connected with specific organizations or networks of groups who have an online presence alongside the event they are
type. While accounts from Black and Asian female students, lesbian, gay and bisexual students, as well as those reporting some form of disability were represented, the accounts belonged primarily to young, white, heterosexual female students. While ethnicity, sexual orientation and disability are implicated here, and suggest a complex relationship regarding marginality (for a discussion of which see Roberts et al, 2019 ), and will likely generate important variations in experience and response to IVA, the most significant predictor of experiencing IVA – and sexual
subsequent mishandling of the case by police, fuelled the introduction of the Crime and Disorder Act 1998, which is generally accepted as the first piece of ‘hate crime’ legislation in England and Wales ( Mason-Bish and Duggan, 2020 ). As the idea of crimes motivated by hate or prejudice as worthy of unique attention grew, other nationally recognized strands of hate crime were introduced: religion (2001); disability and sexual orientation (2003); and transgender identity (2012). This means that there are now five nationally monitored strands. Notably, ‘gender’ was not
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