Social workers are required to be aware of changing social contexts and their impact on service user communities. Many social workers writing about anti-racist practice in the 1980s would have followed Sivanandan’s (1982) critique of local authority ‘multiculturalism’. Sivanandan’s case was that too often policies of multiculturalism were reduced to a celebration of ‘steel-bands, samosas and saris’, whilst institutional and structural racism was ignored. But from a perspective contemporary, the attack on multiculturalism has shifted the political terrain. Multiculturalism is being used as a code word by politicians to attack migration and the pressence of minority communities in Britain itself – themes that are addressed in this chapter in a nuanced ‘defence’ of multiculturalism in the face of the present political assault.
Key messages A normative critique of affective politics overlooks the ambiguity and situated nature of affects. The ambivalences that characterise the emotional dynamics in political arenas should be embraced. The affective practices in far-right politics challenge liberal feeling rules. The power of affective practices contribute to legitimising the expression of far-right views in public realms. Introduction In politics, it is common to frame emotions in negative terms as a manifestation of undesirable, irrational, illegitimate or even
Introduction In politics, it is common to frame emotions in negative terms as a manifestation of undesirable, irrational, illegitimate or even immature political conduct. The far right in particular has seemingly been perceived as an affective space that harnesses and amplifies a multiplicity of negative emotions. As part of a wider ‘affective turn’ ( Clough and Halley, 2007 ) in the study of politics, scholars and observers have increasingly engaged with emotional dynamics in political arenas. They have particularly characterised far-right politics by the
death threats, physical assaults, arson attacks and stabbings. The targets of such attacks in the UK were primarily Eastern European migrants and Muslims. 4 Islamophobia meanwhile remains a firm feature in the United States. According to data released from the Federal Bureau of Investigation in November 2017, the number of hate crimes increased for a second consecutive year, with attacks targeting Muslim and Jewish people as well as LGBTQ people. 5 The resurgence of far-right politics also appeared across Europe. France’s right-wing nationalist party, Front
This book dissects the complex social, cultural and political factors which led the UK to take its decision to leave the EU and examines the far-reaching consequences of that decision.
Developing the conceptual framework of securitization, Ryder innovatively uses primary sources and a focus on rhetoric to examine the ways that political elites engineered a politics of fear, insecurity and Brexit nationalism before and after the Brexit vote. He situates Brexit within a wider shift in international political ideas, traces the resurgence in popularity of far-right politics and explores how Britain and Europe now face a choice between further neoliberal reform or radical democratic and social renewal.
same time, White supremacy is expressing itself in a resurgence of a Far-Right politics of disconnection, of individualism, greed, Brexit, the nationalistic building of walls, targeting all those other than the privileged. This intersectional, neoliberal project interweaves in a tapestry of structural discrimination its threads of racism, misogyny, xenophobia, homophobia, disablism … and a strange hatred of our next generation, the hope for humanity’s future! We have, quite literally, been stitched up! Neoliberal capitalism sells a dominant narrative of
advancing neoliberalization, particularly in relation to work and employment relations. But workers’ expectations of greater protection, particularly in the context of COVID-19, have challenged the legitimacy of a neoliberal model that favours deregulated labour markets, employers’ flexibility and weak trade unions. The consequence is a more volatile and turbulent political environment, one where support for traditional left-of-centre social democracy has waned. Moreover, ‘populist’ far-right politics has increasingly thrived in settings where, because of
groups have begun recruiting new members based on emerging connections between these movements and far-right politics. In 2020 and 2021, images of anti-government and militia groups in the United States captured international attention. In 2020, groups across the United States attempted to demonstrate their support for law enforcement by counter-protesting during nationwide protests in response to the murder of George Floyd and other incidents involving police misuse of force. In 2021, these groups took center stage again as individuals and groups affiliated with
Key messages We deliver an empirical analysis of far-right visualisations of womanhood on US Telegram channels. We use visual, digital methods to show how anti-LGBTQIA+ images communicate far-right political ideas. We show how hateful images of women serve as a tool for far-right ideals of ‘approved’ femininity. We trace the visual construction of far-right female leadership ideals on Telegram. Introduction Contemporary far-right political actors use online social media to forge connections across subgroups, construct symbolic bonds ( Askanius
. ( 2002 ) Inside Organized Racism: Women in the Hate Movement , Berkeley, CA : University of California Press . Blee , K. ( 2020 ) Unter Wölfinnen. Frauen, rechtsextremismus, white supremacy [Lone wolves, women, right-wing extremism, white supremacy] , Mittelweg , 36 ( 4/5 ): 81 – 94 . Blee , K. ( 2020 ) Where do we go from here? Positioning gender in studies of the far-right , Politics, Religion & Ideology , 21 ( 4 ): 416 – 31 . doi: 10.1080/21567689.2020.1851870 Darby , S. ( 2020 ) Sisters in Hate: American Women on the Front Lines of White
