in more depth, before bringing Marxist and Black/anti-racist feminist literature on social reproduction to centre stage. This literature informs the case study I develop in the second part of the chapter of two protest camps in my locality, Occupy Glasgow and FaslanePeaceCamp, in which I draw out the differing strategies for social reproduction in the camps and their impacts. I conclude by returning to hooks’s argument about homeplace and its implications for the theorisation of protest camps. In effect, I argue that a critical feminist lens on social
This ground-breaking collection interrogates protest camps as sites of gendered politics and feminist activism.
Drawing on case studies that range from Cold War women-only peace camps to more recent mixed-gender examples from around the world, diverse contributors reflect on the recurrence of gendered, racialised and heteronormative structures in protest camps, and their potency and politics as feminist spaces.
While developing an intersectional analysis of the possibilities and limitations of protest camps, this book also tells new and inspiring stories of feminist organising and agency. It will appeal to feminist theorists and activists, as well as to social movement scholars.
Over recent years, social movements formed in response to European neoliberal austerity measures have played an increasingly important role in referendums. This is the first book to bridge the gap between social movement studies and research on direct democracy. It draws on social movement theory to understand the nature of popular mobilisation in referendums.
Co-authored by one of the world’s leading authorities on social movements, the book uses unique case studies such as the referendum on independence in Scotland, the consultations on independence in Catalonia, the Italian referendum on water, the referendum on the Troika proposals in Greece and the referendum on the debt repayment in Iceland, to illustrate the ways the social movements that formed as a consequence of the 2008 financial crash have affected the referendums’ dynamic and results. It also addresses the way in which participation from below has had a transformative impact on the organisational strategies and framing practices used in the campaigns.
Looking at general issues of democracy, as well as the political effects of neoliberalism, this topical book is ideally suited to understand the reasons for the Brexit result and will be read by a wide audience interested in social movements, referendums and democratic innovation.
/anti-racist feminist literatures on domestic space and the gendered division of labour to help explain the persistence of inequalities and violence in protest camps and continuities with the wider neoliberal capitalist context. Reflecting on case studies of Occupy Glasgow and FaslanePeaceCamp, Eschle calls for more caution in scholarly claims about protest camp autonomy from wider society. Anastasia Kavada’s subsequent chapter on camps and democracy offers what is perhaps a more hopeful reading through a feminist lens, with reference to interview-based research into the
of the 3/18 camp, mapping how men occupied the leadership and performance roles at centre stage, while women were largely relegated to work behind the scenes. Moreover, Eschle’s analysis of Occupy Glasgow and FaslanePeaceCamp intimates that shifting ostensibly private and intimate aspects of life such as socialising and sleeping into public space can also have negative effects. It may actually make it harder for some overlapping groups of women to participate – those with caring responsibilities, precarious jobs, disabilities, or in an insecure relationship to
There’s also something particularly immersive about the sound. There are parallels with a Glasgow Transport Museum exhibit that had a caravan from FaslanePeaceCamp, 11 you could go inside and listen to a recording from someone who lived in the van, people talking, the campfire crackling.
I think it shows how many of the interviews were so focused on life outdoors, survival outdoors was such a huge part of it, as if a primary memory was the fire, being outdoors and surviving. And the resilience it gave them to then
for Scottish movements was that, notwithstanding the existence
of certain Scottish-based initiatives, such as opposition to nuclear
weapons stored in Faslane (FaslanePeaceCamp, 1984), they were
mostly enmeshed in Britain-wide networks and movements. This was
particularly true for the Scottish trade union movement. Additionally,
the disintegration of the previously hegemonic Labour Party in
Scotland and the fragmentation of the parliamentary far left centred
around the SSP ensured that the broader left-wing spectrum, parties