This is the first collection dedicated to the use of intersectionality as theory, framework and methodology in criminological research.
It draws together contemporary British research to demonstrate the value of intersectionality theory in both familiar and innovative applications, including race, gender, class, disability, sexual orientation and age. Experts explore a range of experiences relating to harm, hate crimes and offending, and demonstrate the impacts of oppression on complex personal identities that do not fit neatly in homogenised communites.
Challenging conventional perspectives, it positions intersectionality firmly into the mainstream of criminology.
Intersectionality is arguably one of the most significant and certainly one of the most talked about concepts developed in recent times. Its foundations were grounded in the experiences of black women ( Crenshaw, 1989 ; Crenshaw, 1991 ; Hill Collins and Bilge, 2016 ) but it has since been expanded and co-opted and is now considered a prominent feminist concept that generates a large amount of debate and discussion ( Anthias, 2014 ). This chapter considers the development of intersectionality, from the early work of black critical race scholars
In this chapter, we take the opportunity to draw together some of the common themes and areas of crossover produced by the individual contributors. We also reflect on some of the key issues identified throughout the book that warrant further investigation, utilizing an intersectional framework to enhance our understanding of such relevant topics. Our aim is to centre criminological and Criminal Justice research that is conducted and analysed intersectionally, work that often remains on the margins of criminology in the UK. The chapters presented
Education systems and
Christiane Gross, Anja Gottburgsen and Ann Phoenix
Education remains one of the most important determinants of social
inequalities across generations and the life course, and educational
systems are the main places for generating these disparities (see Coleman
et al, 1966; Boudon, 1974; Bourdieu, 1986; Barone and Schizzerotto,
2011).1 Empirical research into education identifies particular social
groups that are particularly at risk of poor performance in various
educational systems. Being male
This chapter focuses on current academic definitions of ‘intersectionality’ and highlights why the term is important for the delivery of health interventions for ethnic minority groups. In recognition of recent research on intersectionality, additional dimensions of difference and marginality for ethnic minority groups are discussed here (Reimer-Kirkham and Sharma, 2011 ; Mwangi and Constance-Huggins, 2017 ; Collins and Bilge, 2020 ).
A brief exploration of some of the current health interventions and studies that employ an intersectional approach is
that have so far been addressed – of able-bodiedness, class, ethnicity, gender and race – towards a more general consideration of how the various social locations of later life are both crossed and realised by the intersections between them. In doing so, the aim is particularly to highlight the role played by the ‘new’ social movements not least in ‘queering’ the traditional territory of social divisions with their unmarked and essentialised binary oppositions. 2 Issues of structure and subjectivity that were once central to Marxist approaches to class are now being
Feminist research has long been at the forefront of examining violence in women’s lives ( Stanko, 1990 ). However, this largely focused on younger women. Consequently, the experiences of older women have been somewhat ignored ( Bows, 2019 ), and there has been scant regard afforded to older male victims ( Melchiorre et al, 2016 ). As a result, there is a dearth of research exploring abuse against elders (EA). Further, despite recent calls for researchers to consider adopting an intersectional lens when exploring EA ( Bows, 2018 ), there is an
intersectional nature of oppression, marginalization and othering.
On the other hand, academics and researchers have attempted to acknowledge the complex social structures that create a climate in which marginalized and oppressed groups become seen as legitimate targets for hate ( Perry, 2001 ). In hate crime scholarship, it is Perry’s (2001) conceptualization that has emerged as key when discussing victimization, and she claims that: Hate crime … involves acts of violence and intimidation, usually directed towards already stigmatised and marginalised groups. As such, it