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Instability and Insecurity in Post-Conflict Societies
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Based on unprecedented empirical research conducted with lower levels of the Afghan police, this unique study assesses how institutional legacy and external intervention, from countries including the UK and the US, have shaped the structural conditions of corruption in the police force and the state.

Taking a social constructivist approach, the book combines an in-depth analysis of internal political, cultural and economic drivers with references to several regime changes affecting policing and security, from the Soviet occupation and Mujahidin militias to Taliban religious police.

Crossing disciplinary boundaries, Singh offers an invaluable contribution to the literature and to anti-corruption policy in developing and conflict-affected societies.

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Challenges of Contemporary Peacemaking Practice

Written by international practitioners and scholars, this pioneering work offers important insights into peace mediation practice today and the role of third parties in the resolution of armed conflicts.

The authors reveal how peace mediation has developed into a complex arena and how multifaceted assistance has become an indispensable part of it. Offering unique reflections on the new frameworks set out by the UN, they look at the challenges and opportunities of third-party involvement.

With its policy focus and real-world examples from across the globe, this is essential reading for researchers of peace and conflict studies, and a go-to reference point for advisors involved in peace processes.

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Crime, Culture and Control in the Ultramodern Age

We now live in a pre-crime society, in which information technology strategies and techniques such as predictive policing, actuarial justice and surveillance penology are used to achieve hyper-securitization.

However, such securitization comes at a cost – the criminalization of everyday life is guaranteed, justice functions as an algorithmic industry and punishment is administered through dataveillance regimes.

This pioneering book explores relevant theories, developing technologies and institutional practices and explains how the pre-crime society operates in the ‘ultramodern’ age of digital reality construction. Reviewing pre-crime's cultural and political effects, the authors propose new directions in crime control policy.

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political system based on clientelism. The inclusion of warlords into the cabinet and governors of provinces has been criticised due to their involvement in previous human rights violations and their failure to govern during the 1990s was criticised by international observers and competing Afghan elites. However, warlords hold provincial security with their militias’ loyalty and leverage of assets in exchange for centralised support. After the defeat of the Soviet-backed communist Afghan government, Mujahidin warlords seized the majority of corrupted institutions

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. It is, virtually without exception, never applied to groups of non-Sunni Muslims. GLOBAL DISCOURSE 569 In contrast to the notion of the ‘dog’, the ‘lion’ metaphor as used by IS seems an unlikely candidate for conveying dehumanising claims. As Haslam, Loughnan and Sun argue, animal metaphors can be used to convey the idea that people are ‘desirably wild’. However, in referring comparing its own to lions, IS is not merely claiming that they are courageous or ‘lion-hearted’. Rather, it characterises lions and mujahidin as ferocious, ravenous and merciless predators

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various Mujahidin groups, their publications meant for external and internal consumption largely stay clear of sectarian rhetoric ( Fuchs, 2017a ). The next paragraphs will spell out these tensions between external influence and local concerns in some more detail. The ASWJ, sectarianism, and the dominance of politics For Ihsan Ilahi Zahir, Shi‘is formed a predominantly doctrinal concern. None of his works, irrespective of whether he released them before 1979 or after the Iranian Revolution, features any explicitly political content. Instead, Zahir emphasised the

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.’ Bishku ( 2020 : 249) also maintains that, ‘In 1998, (General) Rashid Dostum fled to Turkey, from which he had received financial but not military aid for the past half-decade for his autonomous territorial entity in northern Afghanistan’, and continues: ‘Following the Soviet withdrawal in 1989 and in the midst of the ensuing civil war amongst the mujahidin warlords, Turkey, despite its ties to the ethnic Uzbeks, emphasized national reconciliation’ ( Bishku 2020 : 250). Clearly, then, Turkey sought to continue its friendship with Afghanistan after the end of the Cold

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with the ANP (UNDP, 2009: 5–6). Afghans regularly pay cash or a gift to police officers and other state officials (IWA, 2018: 42). A rule of law specialist, and former Mujahidin fighter, stated that kickbacks, protecting illegal activities and internal payoffs are evident among police chiefs, which intensifies bribery, [The] person who is going to be appointed to a chief of police in that province or even that district has to have a strong agreement to send a specific amount of dollars every month to the person here. This is one deal. The other deal is that

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the society studied. Conclusion In this theoretical framework, I argue that the political, economic and social aspects in Afghanistan affect the way in which we view corruption. The theoretical framework shows the significance of different cultural understandings of conflict. As shown in Chapter 5, these cultural understandings of conflict are based on structural changes 123 Social construction of corruption in the Afghan police force during modernist, communist, Mujahidin, Taliban and quasi-democratic regime changes. In addition, the conditions of the

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doctrine, have been rushed. Corruption had been overlooked by the international community but after the remobilisation of the Taliban and civil society corruption perception reports, an anti-corruption strategy was implemented. However, efforts to curtail police corruption continue to be hindered by the drug economy and engrained corruption. The structural conditions of the Afghan state and system of policing changed since the modernisation period of the 1960s and 1970s, the Soviet occupation, the Mujahidin civil war, the Taliban regime and the internationally

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