Billions of dollars are wasted each year trying to prevent ‘dirty money’ entering a financial system that is already awash with it. The authors challenge the global approach, arguing that complacency, self-interest and misunderstanding have now created long-standing absurdities.
International and government policy makers inadvertently facilitate tax evasion, corruption, environmental and organised crime by separating crime from its root cause. The handful of crime-fighters that do exist are starved of resources whilst an army of compliance box-tickers are prevented from truly helping. The authors provide a toolbox of evidence-based solutions to help the frontline tackle financial crime.
In the context of the ‘cross-cutting’ policy ambitions of the current Labour government, Working together or pulling apart? examines the contribution of the NHS to the multi-agency and inter-professional child protection process. Applying the insights of policy network and inter-organisational analysis, the text:
provides detailed information on the current role played by a range of health professionals within child protection;
investigates the nature and operation of the central policy community and local provider networks;
considers the tensions arising from differences of professional power and knowledge, organisational cultures and agendas, and governance and regulation;
examines the impact of wider socio-political changes on the operation of the child protection process, at both central and local levels.
Working together or pulling apart? will be essential reading for all those working in child protection, at both strategic and frontline levels, within the NHS and other agencies. In addition, it will be of interest to staff and students on undergraduate or postgraduate courses in health, social work, public and social policy.
From corporate corruption and the facilitation of money laundering, to food fraud and labour exploitation, European citizens continue to be confronted by serious corporate and white-collar crimes.
Presenting an original series of provocative essays, this book offers a European framing of white-collar crime. Experts from different countries foreground what is unique, innovative or different about white-collar and corporate crimes that are so strongly connected to Europe, including the tensions that exist within and between the nation-states of Europe, and within the institutions of the European region.
This European voice provides an original contribution to discourses surrounding a form of crime which is underrepresented in current criminological literature.
There are an increasing number of studies devoted to an examination of New Labour’s social policies. However, thus far there has been little in the way of substantive discussion of opposition to and conflict around key elements of New Labour’s agenda for the welfare state and public sector, from those who are involved in the frontline implementation and delivery of welfare policies. Since the mid to late 1990s, there have been continual and recurring episodes of industrial action of various kinds involving social workers, teachers, lecturers, nurses, hospital ancillary staff, nursery nurses, home helps and local authority librarians among others. Welfare delivery has become a central point of industrial relations disputes in the UK today.
This book provides the first critically informed discussion of work and workers in the UK welfare sector under New Labour. It examines the changing nature of work and explores the context of industrial relations across the welfare industry. While the main focus is on the workforce in state welfare, this is set within the context of recent and current shifts in the mixed economy of welfare between state, private and third sector organisations.
had understood that money laundering was intended as a routine aspect of existing predicate offences. Still, the tangible results of the FATF approach are nevertheless impressive. Every country has established a governmental FIU to receive reports about suspicious financial transactions. They have also created a mechanism to coordinate stakeholders, and legislated money laundering as a specific crime. Moreover, every country is now subjected to peer-reviews on a regular basis conducted under the premise of a mutual evaluation. Non-compliant countries are placed on
for the first time in history. For too long, countries have claimed success in fighting money laundering on the basis of isolated, individual cases, reported out of context without any regard, rather than what, if anything, they achieve. And when and where should we do it? Incrementally, everywhere. The war on dirty money is being fought country by country and against the illicit financial flows running between some countries. This provides over 200 places where different AML techniques can be tried. We have an established mutual evaluation system which
’ own policies, legislation and regulations. The FATF carries out an ongoing ‘mutual evaluation’ process to evaluate how individual states’ anti-money laundering systems and processes align with the Recommendations. The Recommendations – and the FATF itself – have, therefore, been hugely influential in the development of international, regional and, ultimately, national initiatives and legislative changes – including in Europe. The development of a ‘European’ anti-money laundering framework for legal professionals In 1991, the first EU Anti-Money Laundering
display high levels of work coordination as a result of central policy prescription (mandated cooperation), but experience working relationships based on mutual distrust or limited understanding of each other’s roles and ways of working. As a result, individual networks may be subject to one of three different types of operational imbalance: forced coordination (high on work coordination, low on domain and ideological consensus and mutual evaluation); consensual inefficiency (high on all other attributes, but low levels of work coordination); or evaluative imbalance
list altogether, the truth is typically obvious, yet never really addressed because the truth may not be what people want to hear. While an approval tick from the FATF (or similar who claim a presence for fear of missing out) can show all is well, below the surface evidence can suggest that coming top of your class leaves opportunities for crime. Still, many countries do take the threat of being named on a watchlist seriously. Ensuring compliance with AML/CFT standards and being suitably prepared for the FATF mutual evaluation process is, by and large, part of a
these NRAs are produced as a ‘box-checking’ exercise – something required by the FATF during Mutual Evaluations. Perhaps this is the real intention. After all, the guidance by the FATF is extremely generic in comparison with the highly prescriptive nature of other FATF documents. Surely, if a problem existed time and again, the FATF would, by now, have sought to quickly develop a stronger NRA Methodology that would coincide with money laundering’s apparent threat to national security. This would be quite different from allowing the NRA to be only an evaluation of
