the New Labour Government’s class politics cohered with an emergent economic order politics of extensive labour utilisation ( Koch, 2006 ) as the means to improve medium-term conditions for accumulation. Where the following analysis demurs from the position taken by Gallas is with respect to viewing ministers’ progressive market-liberal modernisation project as a resumption of a ‘one nation’ mode of governing. In social security and employment policy and governance the overt, divisive political practice particular to the Conservatives was softened, but not
To be progressive is to believe in the possibility of a better, fairer, and more compassionate world. It is to believe that we can create a society in which people, working cooperatively, can thrive and make the most of our lives. Progressivism is also about the thriving of the organic and non-organic world around us. Whether we are referring to green politics, feminism, or socialism, the focus is on making things better for us all : on sharing out what we have, and working together, so that wellbeing and fulfilment are not just in the hands of a privileged
177 FIVE Progressive diversion The previous chapter examined the potential of a Children First, Offenders Second (CFOS) approach to working with children subject to statutory orders in the youth justice system (YJS). In this context, putting children first in the YJS means abandoning the reductionist and disengaging management of risk and practice performance perpetuated by the Scaled Approach assessment and intervention framework and evidenced (to a lesser degree) by the revised AssetPlus framework; replacing this approach with a participation-led model
be like. And indeed, as introduced in Chapter 1 , progressives have been accused of spending much more time focusing on what they see as wrong as opposed to articulating what ‘right’ would look like. Socialism, writes Bregman, has become little more than a force for resisting and reigning in the opposition: ‘Anti-privitazation, anti-establishment, anti-austerity. Given everything they’re against, one is left to wonder, what are underdog socialists actually for ?’ 1 So what kind of society would need to exist for the full development and thriving of each
This book examines the connections between race, place, and space, and sheds light on how they contribute and maintain racial hierarchies.
The author focuses on the White residents of Jamaica Plain, Massachusetts, which, according to the Cooks Political Report Partisan Voting Index, is the most liberal district in the state and 15th in the United States of America. The book uses settler colonialism and critical race theory to explore how self-identified progressive White residents perceive their gentrifying neighborhood and how they make sense of their positionality.
Using the extended case method, as well as in-depth interviews, participant observation, content analysis and visual/media analysis, the author reveals how systemic racialized inequality persists even in a politically progressive borough.
3 ONE Towards a new progressive policy agenda Chris Miller and Lionel Orchard Introduction Australian politics and public policy are at an impasse and face many challenges given economic, political and social turbulence in both the domestic and global spheres. The overwhelming defeat of the Rudd Labor Government in the 2013 federal election and the decisive election of a Liberal–National Party Coalition Government led by Tony Abbott as Australia’s 28th Prime Minister make the likelihood of progressive public policy a more distant prospect. Yet Labor
those of like mind, namely ‘progressive opinion’. This chapter builds on the preceding two as we further examine Titmuss’s engagement with progressive opinion in particular. As part of this, we also examine his critique of what he saw as contemporary society’s moral shortcomings, not least the obsession with economic matters at the expense of what was, or could be, truly valuable in human affairs. For Titmuss, this complemented his concerns over population, as well as informing his more overtly political activities. Getting the message out One sign of Titmuss
255 Critical and Radical Social Work • vol 5 • no 2 • 255–56 • © Policy Press 2017 • #CRSW Print ISSN 1744 2648 • Online ISSN 1744 2656 • https://doi.org/10.1332/204986017X14952955720473 Accepted for publication 04 May 2017 • First published online 22 May 2017 voices from the frontline Against the current: the 2nd Asian Progressive Social Work Forum, May 2017, Taipei, Taiwan Lam Chi Leung, lamchimia@gmail.com Progressive Social Work Network, Hong Kong key words Hong Kong • progressive social work • Asian social work • Social Work Action Network To cite
219 SIX Progressive prevention-promotion The previous chapter set out the principles, practices and progression of the use of diversion within the youth justice arena. We identified ambiguities surrounding the preferred objectives of diversion (for example avoiding contact with the formal youth justice system (YJS), preventing offending, restorative justice, meeting individual needs by facilitating access to youth justice and external services) and highlighted an insidious movement away from the principle of minimum necessary intervention with children
375 Epilogue: progressive ways ahead Jeff Evans, Humphrey Southall and Sally Ruane How can our society’s relationship with its data be improved? Our authors offer many pointers to the way ahead. We hope this book will make you better informed, but also help you develop types of action appropriate to your situation as you see it, as an active citizen. One idea that has guided our activity, and has been a theme of this and the previous two books, Demystifying Social Statistics and Statistics in Society, is that data are a ‘social product’. This means that the
