105 Part Three Sexual violence This section looks at both those who commit and those who are subjected to sexual violence. The terms victim and offender are used, but with caution. They are labels that can subsume a range of behaviours, motivations, experiences and subjectivities into a ‘shorthand’ that can be unhelpful in addressing complexity. Chapter Seven looks at working with victims of all forms of sexual violence, ranging from the intra-familial abuse of small children to the sexual exploitation of adults through international trafficking. Chapter
Written by leading experts in the field, this timely collection highlights current strategies and thinking in relation to prevention of sexual violence and critically considers the limitations of these frameworks.
Combining psychological, criminological, sociological and legal perspectives, it explores academic, practitioner and survivor points of view. It addresses broad themes, from cultures of sexual harassment to the role of media in oversexualising women and girls, as well as specific issues including violence against children and older people.
For researchers, practitioners and students alike, this is an invaluable resource that maps new approaches for practice and prevention.
surrounding events – the precipitating sexual jealousy. If women’s experiences of specific sexual violence(s) are added to the mix, then the importance of recognising the everyday nature of such violence(s) becomes even more transparent. Kelly ( 1988 ), following Wilson ( 1983 ), developed the concept of a continuum to capture these experiences in which events from ‘flashing’ to murder, experienced in private and in public, perpetrated by single offenders to multiple victims, experienced once or many times, were all put in the same critical plane. Whilst Kelly ( 2011
Introduction Despite the vast amount of sexual violence research, there exists an important gap in knowledge around older victims and offenders. At a national level, people aged 60 and over have, until recently, been excluded from the Crime Survey for England and Wales intimate violence module, which collects data on domestic and sexual violence. Internationally, the focus of academic research, policy, and practice has been on young women who are consistently found to be most ‘at risk’ of experiencing sexual violence. Consequently, we know very little about
27 TWO Tactical rape and sexual violence in conflict Tactical rape is not a new phenomenon. It is deliberate, widespread policy rape implemented with definite intent. Even with the increasing formal recognition of its pernicious effects and its threats to human and state security, tactical rape continues. “In conflicts around the world, armies and armed groups use sexual violence as a devastating tactic of war,” said Nisha Varia, women’s rights advocacy director at Human Rights Watch.1 This does not mean that it is useless to insist on all possible steps
155 Critical and Radical Social Work • vol 3 • no 1 • 155–64 • © Policy Press 2015 • #CRSW Print ISSN 2049 8608 • Online ISSN 2049 8675 • http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/204986015X14235562796096 voices from the frontline Supporting transgender survivors of sexual violence: learning from users’ experiences Sally Rymer and Valentina Cartei,1 dropin@survivorsnetwork.org.uk Survivors’ Network, the Rape Crisis Centre for Sussex, UK Transgender individuals are particularly vulnerable to sexual violence, yet many do not seek, or receive, adequate support following
Key messages The article is about the sharp rise in sexual violence in India. It uses patriarchal dominance and social disintegration theories of rape as methodological tools to examine the rise. It explores the links between hate-based political ideologies, the violence in public life, the access to pornography and the increased instances of sexual violence. India has seen a sharp rise in sexual violence against women and girls over the last decade, particularly after 2013 ( Raj and McDugall, 2014 ; Bandyopathyay, 2018 ). There are several
Introduction The extent of sexual violence experienced by women university students has, in recent years, garnered increased media, political, academic and institutional attention, in the UK and internationally. In England and Wales, the National Union of Students’ ( NUS) (2010) report, Hidden Marks , found that one in seven women students had experienced a serious or physical sexual assault and 68 per cent had experienced some form of verbal or non-verbal harassment, in and around their institution. The study highlighted the extent of sexual violence
, 2010 ; Tibeau, 2011 ). In particular, social work has conformed to this colonial, carceral historical narrative by positioning its partnerships with, and allegiances to, the state as sufficient and effective in addressing social issues. Through this process, partial and hidden histories of marginalisation and violence at the hands of the state continue to be erased and subverted in order to protect the carceral system and social work’s efforts to uphold and carry out its actions. For example, rather than addressing the root causes of gender-based and sexual violence
41 2 ‘Lad culture’ and sexual violence against students1 Alison Phipps Introduction This chapter addresses the issue of sexual violence against students and the concept of ‘lad culture’ which has been used to frame this phenomenon in the UK and has connections to similar debates around masculinities in other countries. This issue is much-researched and debated but under-theorised and, due to a lack of intersectionality, radical feminist frameworks around violence against women are useful but incomplete. The chapter sketches a more nuanced approach to the
