Leading South Asia expert Bhumitra Chakma explains the politics of regionalism in South Asia and traces the origins and evolution of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) from its inception to the present day.
He takes an International Relations perspective and engages three major IR theoretical approaches – neorealism, institutionalism and constructivism – to explain the complex dynamics of South Asian regionalism.
Using comparative perspectives based on the experiences of similar regional organizations, the author provides an in-depth analysis of the challenges of cooperation in the region and explores how progress might be made in the future.
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The Gulf is a major global destination for migrant workers, with a majority of these workers coming from South Asia. In this book, a team of international contributors examine the often-overlooked complex governance of this migration corridor.
Going beyond state-centric analysis, the contributors present a multi-layered account of the ‘migration governance complex.’ They offer insights not only into the actors involved in the different components of migration governance, but also into the varying ways of interpreting and explaining the meaning and value of these interactions. Together, they enable readers to better understand migration in this important region, while also providing a model for analyzing global migration governance in practice in different parts of the world.
applicable explanatory framework for the process and outcome of regional integration. This theoretical approach has been aptly applied to explain the dynamics and the process of European integration and ASEAN regionalism. 3 Theorists have generally employed the constructivist framework to explain the effects of regionalism. In this context too, the cases of Europe and South East Asia have been closely studied and the constructivist insights have been aptly used. 4
This chapter aims to assess whether these theoretical insights can be used in the case of SouthAsian
Families and caring in
Christina R. Victor, Maria Zubair and Wendy Martin
Like other Western societies, the UK is undergoing important social
and demographic changes, most notably the continued ‘ageing’ of the
population and the increasing ethnic diversity of the older population.
In the UK ethnicity is defined on the basis of self-identification from
a standard list of categories included in routine administrative data
collection, social surveys and the decennial census. This approach
recognises that ethnicity
‘Roaring She-Tigers’ in SouthAsia
Poor and populous SouthAsia
In the second half of the 20th century, SouthAsia was the world’s poorest region,
the most illiterate and the most malnourished and sick, and women were the
hardest hit. Still, SouthAsia became the region with the highest frequency of
women national leaders: four of the nine countries have or have had a total of
seven women heads of state and government.1
The four countries are all post-colonial states. They were subject to the British
Empire and won their
SouthAsia’s ongoing conflicts and embattled ‘post-conflict’ transitions reveal the tensions inherent in the globalized Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, between the ritualism of recognizing the relationship between gender inequality and violence, and the practice of incorporating women’s plural perspectives to achieve genuine inclusion in conflict resolution and peace processes on the ground. A generation of macro- and micro-level studies of the diversity and complexity of the gendered experiences of the conflict–peace continuum in the region have
Whatever happens or fails to happen in the context of SouthAsian cooperation is inextricably woven into the matrix of Indo–Pakistani relations.
Imtiaz H. Bokhari 1
Being inspired primarily by the success of the European Union (EU) and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), Bangladesh’s late president General Ziaur Rahman took the initiative of establishing an ‘ASEAN-like’ regional organization in SouthAsia in the late 1970s. The Bangladeshi leader formally wrote to his SouthAsian counterparts on the issue in May 1980 and
The making or unmaking of a regional organization is a function of politics and the dynamics of that particular region’s international relations. Mohammed Ayoob, at the outset of the SouthAsian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), argued that ‘the primacy of the political’ would determine the outcome of regionalism in SouthAsia and the following factors would play a crucial role in this context: (1) a common threat perception; (2) a common foreign policy orientation; (3) similar political ideologies; and (4) a consensus about the
This article, analysing the narratives of one British SouthAsian Muslim woman contemplating divorce, reflects on how the termination of marriage is negotiated within families. As Bob Simpson (1998) has argued, rather than ending relationships between a separating couple, divorce reorders these relationships, and the relationships among a whole set of other family members too. To date, the focus of sociological attention has been on the reordering of kinship in the wake of divorce; for example, former spouses’ deliberations over the
this issue is compounded in SouthAsian communities because they have especially low rates of sexual abuse reporting.
This limited representation of the true scale of sexual abuse (because so few victims come forward) applies to all British regions and communities. However, this chapter attempts to contribute to a small literature base by focusing on the low level of sexual abuse reporting from SouthAsian women, and particularly on how four British police force areas currently respond to sexual abuse incidents where the victim belongs to the British SouthAsian