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of 595,691 vacant buildings with the potential of being occupied and 639,839 inhabitants left homeless or living in precarious conditions (Fundação Pinheiros, 2018 ). On the one hand, a market logic values vacancy as a necessary condition for the generation of speculative profits. On the other, the bureaucratic logic of controlled consumption views vacancy as inefficient because it does not provide socially or economically productive uses. Lastly, squatting movements see the potential in these vacant spaces to reduce the astronomical housing deficit and, in

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So far, we have explored policies impacting official forms of housing tenure. The focus of this chapter differs in that it addresses the impact of a ‘non-tenure’ of sorts – squatting and its 2012 partial illegalisation. While this may first appear to be an outlier of the book’s case studies, what the criminalisation of squatting shares with the bedroom tax and the forefronting of temporary accommodation as a homelessness solution is its impact on vulnerable and low-income groups. As in the previous chapters, here we will explore how the criminalisation of

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Introduction The city is still empty, few days since the eviction of Communia…. Many people involved in the project have come back to the city from their holidays, from their family homes, several meetings are being organised. People from the neighbourhood, other squats and groups are all giving their support towards a new occupation … the new location has been identified thanks to the deep knowledge of residents, the plan … to have a demonstration ending with the occupation of the building in the upcoming days…. I spoke to [name of person] about what is

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‘Liquid Urbanisms’ 2 in Dublin and employs a flexible activist case-study approach based on the methods of in-depth ethnographic participant observation at AH and social media analysis of the two case studies from 2015 to 2018. In addition, semi-structured interviews with BH and AH volunteers and a volunteer survey were conducted by both myself and the IHN research team. Material and immaterial infrastructures of radical spaces Vasudevan ( 2015 , 2017 ) argues that squatting as a practice produces new lifeworlds and that even if the individual squats, social

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), which demands critical attention (see also the remaining chapters in Part III, this volume). The connection between the needs of unhomed people and residential vacancy is a powerful rhetorical construct, with a long history. The politicisation of urban vacancy through the right of use above and beyond a title to property can be found throughout the histories and geographies of squatting and direct action (Blomley, 2008 ; Martínez López, 2017 ; Watson, 2017 ). In the Spanish context, the slogan powerfully captured the injustice of high levels of empty housing at

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Vacancy, Urban Politics and International Experiments in the Post-crisis City

This book provides an innovative perspective to consider contemporary urban challenges through the lens of urban vacancy.

Centering urban vacancy as a core feature of urbanization, the contributors coalesce new empirical insights on the impacts of recent contestations over the re-use of vacant spaces in post-crisis cities across the globe.

Using international case studies from the Global North and Global South, it sheds important new light on the complexity of forces and processes shaping urban vacancy and its re-use, exploring these areas as both lived spaces and sites of political antagonism. It explores what has and hasn’t worked in re-purposing vacant sites and provides sustainable blueprints for future development.

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I describe in the next section, some of the ‘ruins’, buildings and properties that fell into this category were squatted and/or reused, informally or through ‘temporary use agreements’ until claims were settled (Forkert, 2016 [2013]). Even this limited sketch indicates how the legacies of National Socialism continue to haunt present-day social-spatial relations, including the supposedly neutral category of ‘property’. Germany remains exemplary in the process of reparations, having paid over US$60 billion to individuals and groups (Claims Conference, no date

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, Huyssen, 1997 ; see also Till’s chapter, this volume). The notion of ‘vacant space’ has been challenged by geographers studying the reanimation of abandoned spaces by activists and artists, whose critical spatial practices have led to new conceptions of urban space like the autonomous ‘makeshift urbanism’ of mending and care that emerged in West Berlin’s squatting scene in the 1970s (Vasudevan, 2015 ) and the ‘interim spaces’ produced through new art practices responding to wastelands in the early post-Wende years (Till, 2011 ). Both Till and Vasudevan highlight how

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seek to intervene to shape what kinds of uses (temporary or longer-term) are made possible (O’Callaghan et al, 2018 ). A similar set of practices are evident in property guardianship, which can be seen to protect vacant properties against squatting by exploiting the precarious housing conditions of urban residents (Fererri et al, 2017 ). In this way, urban vacancy can be seen as a key part of instituting precarity (Madanipour, 2018 ) and making the precarious city (Ferreri and Vasudevan, 2019 ), while interrogating various interventions in vacant spaces can

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-pandemic context, it is within the interstices of vacancy that we can discover the capacity for urban transformation. References Bresnihan , P. and Byrne , M. ( 2015 ) ‘Escape into the city: everyday practices of commoning and the production of urban space in Dublin’, Antipode , 47(1): 36–54. Di Feliciantonio , C. ( 2016 ) ‘Subjectification in times of indebtedness and neoliberal/austerity urbanism’, Antipode , 48(5): 1206–27. Di Feliciantonio , C. ( 2017 ) ‘Spaces of the expelled as spaces of the urban common? Analysing the re-emergence of squatting

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