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Human Rights Watch Human Rights Watch

Ukraine The “Maidan” uprising in Kiev led to the ouster of President Viktor Yanukovich in February and a complete overhaul of Ukraine’s political system. The uprising that began in November 2013 was marked by clashes between police, street fighters, and protesters, which killed over 100 people. Yanukovich’s overthrow, and a law that would have disfavored the Russian lan- guage, which the interim president vetoed, prompted violent clashes in south- eastern Ukraine between pro and anti-Kiev protesters. May clashes in Odessa alone left 46 people dead. After Russia

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Introduction Since 24 February 2022, Ukraine has been resisting the full-scale Russian invasion, which has imposed a severe human and economic toll on Ukrainian society. Thousands have been killed or injured ( OHCHR, 2023 ), and almost 13 million people have been displaced (5.4 million internally) ( UNHCR, no date ; IOM, 2023 : 1). Direct material losses amounted to USD144 billion ( KSE Institute, 2023a ), nearing 80 per cent of Ukraine’s gross domestic product (GDP), in 2021 ( Lepushynskyi and Vdovychenko, 2022 ). In an attempt to make Ukraine

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Introduction Russia’s war with Ukraine started when Russian forces occupied territory in eastern Ukraine and annexed Crimea in early 2014 and escalated when Vladimir Putin authorized Russia’s full-scale invasion in February 2022. In this article, we argue that Ukraine’s success in resisting Russian aggression and success in implementing reconstruction during the war reflect successful public sector procurement reforms. These reforms are significant because revolutions establish significant but incomplete constraints on public officials. Public sector

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Introduction The Russian Armed Forces’ defense budget dwarfs the Armed Forces of Ukraine’s budget, being around ten times its size ( SIPRI, 2021 ). The Russian Armed Forces are also larger in terms of the total number of personnel. Marine Corps Commandant General David Berger explained that given Russian Armed Forces’ posture, equipment, and capabilities, the virtual wargames said that it would be victorious in a matter of 72 to 96 hours following the full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 ( Breaking Defense, 2022 ). Russian sources claimed that

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the role of volunteers in providing both urgent help to IDPs and designing durable solutions and policies. Besides, for a long time, IDPs were rarely considered as a specific category, until 1998 when the Guiding Principles on Internal Displacement were presented to the UN Commission on Human Rights 1998, forming the foundation for a normative framework for addressing the needs of IDPs ( UN OCHA, nd ). Ukraine provides a unique case study to explore the role of volunteering in support of the displaced population as it has the highest figure of IDPs ever recorded

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( Murtazhashvili and Murtazashvili, 2020 ; Vahabi et al, 2020 ). Also, this article contributes to the literature on the Russian–Ukrainian War and the resilience of the Ukrainian forces ( Wood,2019 ; 2022 ; Coyne and Goodman, 2020 ; Alshamy et al, 2023 ). We argue that Putin’s regime is a tinpot autocracy that uses political loyalty and repression to stay in power. An exogenous shock of the 2007–09 global financial crisis changed the behavior of Putin’s regime. The deterioration in living standards resulted in a decrease in the supply of loyalty. Putin’s response was a

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Editors’ note: This chapter was developed and written before the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Introduction The population in the world is ageing. People living with HIV are not an exception: globally, from 2000 to 2016, the share of people living with HIV older than 50 increased from 8 to 16 per cent ( Autenrieth et al, 2018 ). This is occurring due to the availability of antiretroviral treatment (ART), because more young people practise safe behaviours and because HIV infection may be acquired later in life ( Freeman and Anglewicz, 2012 ). In

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243 FOURTEEN Euromaidan and the echoes of the Orange Revolution: comparing social infrastructures and resistance practices of protest camps in Kiev (Ukraine) Maryna Shevtsova What was striking to me when I first entered Maidan was the highest level of self-consciousness and self-organisation. There is…no police, but you feel so calm and comfortable as you have not felt for quite some time. And only later, when you leave this ‘Island of Freedom’ and see people wearing uniforms again, you just feel physical disagreement: ‘why are they here?’ (Roman,1

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electricity, the time passed and I don’t remember what anyone was doing, but I remember that we definitely were not on our phones, since we had to save battery power. We spent four more days, sitting without electricity and constantly hearing explosions. On the morning of one of the days, we decided to leave our apartment. The backpacks were heavy, but we could still only take the essential things we needed and the lightest. After the whole family realised that the war would continue for a long time, we made an extreme decision – to leave Ukraine. We were all very tired

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Russia’s aggression against Ukraine triggered a devastating humanitarian crisis, including massive casualties and the unprecedented displacement of Ukrainians. Over 6 million refugees have fled Ukraine and 8 million people were internally displaced by May 2022 ( International Organization for Migration, 2022 ). This emergency of historic proportions has had especially dire consequences for women, who comprise roughly 90 per cent of those who have fled the country and 60 per cent of those displaced. We highlight some of the ripple effects of this in Poland

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