below). Wider youth work and sports-oriented initiatives have also been important means of promoting the prevention of and desistance from gang violence in Glasgow ( Deuchar, 2009a , 2013 ). To date, there has been very little in the way of robust, formal evaluations of violence prevention and reduction initiatives spearheaded by the SVRU or schools, and youth and community organisations in the west of Scotland. However, as we alluded to in Chapter 2 and as Goodall et al (2016 , p 865–6) highlight, ‘levels of violence, and in particular homicide, serious
social inequality) that often cause weapon-carrying, gang membership and violence have in many ways remained unchallenged. Arguably, these prevailing underlying structural challenges have contributed to the recent title Scotland has gained as ‘drug capital of Europe’ (for further discussion, see Chapter 3 ). Accordingly, the focus of this book is to revisit the phenomena of gangs, weapon-carrying and violence in Glasgow and its surrounding communities, more than a decade on from Deuchar’s (2009a) original fieldwork there. We explore – through insights gained from
Chapter 3 , it is undeniable that the intense gaze placed upon the Glasgow conurbation by the adoption of the public health model by the SVRU and partner organisations had an immediate impact on levels of violence. However, whether such changes can be sustained remains to be seen. Indeed, violence in Glasgow is still among the highest in the UK and Europe ( Scottish Government, 2019b ). In addition, the last decade has seen a spate of gun-related incidents, resulting in a number of high-profile gangland executions, perhaps most notably the assassination of Kevin
In Glasgow, street gangs have existed for decades, with knife crime becoming a defining feature.
More than a decade on from Deuchar’s original fieldwork, this book explores the transitional experiences of some of the young men he worked with, as well as the experiences of today’s young people and the practitioners who work to support them.
Through empirical data, policy analysis and contemporary insights, this dynamic book explores the evolving nature of gangs, and the contemporary challenges affecting young people including drug distribution, football-related bigotry and the mental health repercussions emerging from social media.
In this chapter, we critically examine recent statistical trends relating to the general issues of violent criminality and offensive weapon-handling in Scotland. We also provide a brief history of street gangs in Scotland’s largest city, Glasgow, from their roots in sectarian rivalry to the territorial and recreational focus adopted in the post-industrial era. We examine how knife crime has traditionally been a defining feature of street gangs in Glasgow and of street-oriented violence governed by expectations around masculine honour. Insights into the recorded motivations for knife-carrying and gang violence among young people are explored, drawing from previous research as well as the emerging evidence suggesting that gangs may have evolved in the west of Scotland. The chapter concludes by outlining the methodological approaches that we drew upon for the current study, detailing the sampling methods, access arrangements, geographical locations, ethical protocols and data analysis methods used.
Rates of crime, especially those against the person and, to a lesser degree, vandalism have historically (1950–84) been considerably higher in Scotland than, for instance, in Sweden, which shares many of its population characteristics (McClintock and Wikström, 1990). It may be that feelings of shame and stigmatism among lower-working-class youth cultural groups are greater in areas of Scotland, and through gang membership and activity these feelings are transformed into pride and solidarity (Moran 2015). The youth street gang, Moran (2015) proposes, offers an esprit de corps through expressive violence and symbolic praxis factors that ward off threats such as injury and prison; possibly this phenomenon that transforms shame into pride helps to explain higher rates of violence in parts of Scotland with heightened criminality and youth gangs.
Building on the initial insights from practitioners outlined in the last chapter, in this chapter we share the perspectives of adult members of communities in the west of Scotland who participated in our fieldwork, most of whom were former gang members and some of whom were now working as practitioners. We share the interviewees’ recollections of lived experiences in the housing schemes at a time when territorial gang violence was particularly pronounced, and the factors that enabled them to transition, change and desist. We also share their viewpoints that suggested (like those outlined in the previous chapter) that, as territorial street gang violence has continued to decline in the west of Scotland, other pressing issues – most prominently associated with drug use and drug distribution – have come to the fore.
In the last chapter, we documented how discussions with members of our practitioner sample had drawn our attention to the changing and evolving nature of their organisations’ services in recent years. We began to uncover the contextual backdrop to this in the form of rising poverty rates, an increased prevalence of ACEs and trauma, escalating issues relating to mental ill-health, and increasing levels of drug use, drug distribution, suicide and drug-related deaths. As we referred to in Chapter 2, in our desire to explore these issues further we revisited some of Glasgow’s housing schemes that had been explored by Deuchar (2009a) over a decade earlier, as well as other socially disadvantaged neighbourhoods in the west of Scotland.
In the previous chapter, we drew on insights from interviews with our sample of young people to shed light on the role that drugs play in contemporary youth culture in the west of Scotland and young people’s involvement in drug supply and distribution. However, our extended discussions with young people also threw up additional insights relating to an array of wider influences and challenges impacting their lives. This chapter, therefore, outlines the remaining perspectives emerging from our interviews with young people in the west of Scotland, as well as some complementary insights from practitioners. We examine their views on the continuing issues relating to street-gang culture, weapon-carrying and violence; the longstanding (and, to some extent, re-emerging) issues associated with football bigotry; and the amalgam of newer issues relating to and emerging from social media engagement.
In Chapter 5 we suggested that, by helping to break down territorial barriers, public health interventions have on the one hand helped to reduce street gang violence while at the same time allowing increased social mobility and thus perhaps unwittingly allowing gangs to evolve and become part of existing drug supply chains. However, throughout the book, we have also made intermittent reference to the evidence suggesting that reported numbers of violent incidents have plateaued (or even increased slightly) in recent years (particularly in socially disadvantaged communities in the west of Scotland), following a lengthy period of decline (Batchelor et al, 2019; Scottish Government, 2019b, 2020b, 2020c). It is evident that, to some extent, street gang violence may still have a presence in some geographical locations, alongside wider contemporary challenges facing youth.
In the interest of clarity and consistency of treatment, this concluding chapter aims to offer a faithful and detailed synthesis of the research findings from earlier chapters. Following this, we explore implications for policy and practice. We then conclude by reflecting on the limitations of our research work and propose directions for new research into the subjects addressed in the book. As each chapter has a distinct identity, our conclusion uses each one as a frame within which further analysis and synthesis are advanced. The bulk of the conclusion emphasises the framing of youth experience, after which we re-conceptualise perceptions through a more critical and less descriptive analysis.
We begin with a recap and further synthesis of the granularity of our empirical contribution against the scholarly context set out in the introductory chapter. The purpose of a conclusion is not to introduce substantially new material into the landscapes examined. There is, however, legitimate space for originality as we draw out and reinforce observations made in the book’s chapters, individually and across them.
It could not be doubted that the landscape of criminality associated with young people (and particularly young men) typically domiciled in areas of intergenerational disadvantage evolves with such speed that it often eludes the capacity of criminologists to keep pace (Girling et al, 2013). Seen as an intervention into the contemporary world of gangs, violence, illegal drugs and their contested interconnection with organised crime, this book, based on research conducted in Scotland, has devoted its gaze to change and continuity in the lives of those who have first-hand experience of troubled urban landscapes.
