consequential errors. And it is by understanding and seeking to mitigate these non-random mistakes – or biases – that behavioural research holds the promise of improved individual and organisational performance. To adopt such a psychological approach to understanding and improving public management reform is thus to focus in on the ‘micro-foundations’ of our subject. We ask how the choices of reform-relevant decision-makers, based on their efficient but fallible information processing, ‘add up’ to become constitutive of larger social processes. After briefly outlining the
Key messages Education, SEP and male sex are key predictors of attrition in a cohort from childhood to adulthood. Inverse probability weighting for missing data performs poorly without key complete variables. Multiple imputation was able to correct biased estimates even when attrition was greater than 70%. Introduction Longitudinal studies are valuable in providing epidemiological evidence to support inferences about causal relationships, but most suffer from participant attrition. Attrition is usually a gradual loss of study participants during
Introduction This chapter proposes a novel framework for the influence of heuristics and biases on the allocation of resources and sanctions by frontline workers. Under the heading of ‘Behavioural Public Administration’ (BPA), scholars increasingly engage in ‘the analysis of public administration from the micro-level perspective of individual behavior and attitudes by drawing on insights from psychology’ (Grimmelijkhuijsen et al, 2017 ). We focus on frontline workers, also called street-level bureaucrats or policy professionals, who are involved in either
Introduction This article proposes a novel framework for the influence of heuristics and biases on the allocation of resources and sanctions by frontline workers. Under the heading of ‘Behavioural Public Administration’ (BPA), scholars increasingly engage in ‘the analysis of public administration from the micro-level perspective of individual behavior and attitudes by drawing on insights from psychology’ ( Grimmelijkhuijsen et al, 2017 ). We focus on frontline workers, also called street-level bureaucrats or policy professionals, who are involved in either
Michel le B. Ma t thews School of Business, Delta State University, DSU Box 3223, Cleveland, MS 38733 - USA William F. Shughart II Department of Economics and Finance, J. M. Huntsman School of Business, Utah State University, 3565 Old Main Hill, Logan, UT 84322-3665 - USA T a y l o r P . Stevenson* Department of Economics and Finance, College of Business and Technology, East Tennessee State Uni versity, Box 70686, Johnson City, TN 37614-1709 - USA Political Arithmetic: New Evidence on the 'Small-State Bias' in Federal Spending [I]t does not appear to be
4 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND SCHOOL CLOSURES: an investigation of bias in local authority decision making Liz Bondi The issue of middle-class bias in political participation is examined in the context of proposals to close primary schools in Manchester. Rates of participation show little variation between different social areas in the city. However. groups in rela- tively affluent areas enjoy slightly greater rates of success than others. More detailed analysis of a sample of protest groups high- lights the significance of campaign style to group success. This
associated stigma. Here I provide one example of such analysis by examining how certain articulations and interpretations of a single diagnostic criterion – inappropriate anger – can contribute to and reproduce gender bias in the diagnosis of BPD (not to mention stereotyping of BPD patients and borderlines). This, however, should not be seen as a complete analysis of the ways in which BPD has come to be (viewed as) one of ‘the modern “female maladies”’ ( Ussher, 2013 : 64) or of the interplay between stereotyping, gender norms and diagnostic criteria. 1 Second, my own
mechanisms. First, the immigrant deservingness penalty may be due to a wish to limit free riding opportunities by restricting access to a group that is regarded with distrust and seen as less likely to follow local societal norms of reciprocity. Alternatively, the limited solidarity towards immigrants may be related to an in-group bias, which is independent of considerations about this out-group assumed tendency to respect societal norms. Protecting groups from free riders The legitimacy of generous welfare provision is conditional on the collective respect of norms of
way in which the extant literature understands care, caring and carers is not universal. Nor is it necessarily effective for framing policy on later life if the policy objective sits anywhere along the trajectory of deprivation reduction, widespread well-being or social equity. We raise an inescapable, but universally disregarded, methodological issue: while research on the ‘problem of later-life care’ posits this as the crux of the population-ageing conundrum, all work on later-life care is subject to survivor bias, as it investigates the lives of the people who
anti-trafficking discourse that focuses overwhelmingly on the sexual exploitation of women and children ( Farrell and Fahy, 2009 ; Charnysh et al, 2015 ; Cockbain et al, 2018 ). Against that background, we stress that our discussion of indicators is not an attempt to describe the empirical realities of human trafficking. Instead, we seek to examine the structural biases and significant empirical challenges in producing and using human trafficking indicators. The remainder of this chapter is structured as follows. First, we begin with a general discussion of the
