Respite for rural and remote
Neena L. Chappell, Bonnie Schroeder and Michelle Gibbens
The complexity of the concept ‘rural’ is well recognised, whether the focus is
on size, the sociocultural or the sociopolitical. even size, arguably the easiest
descriptor to deal with, eludes consensus; government definitions range from
sizes of 300 to 300,000 (Woods, 2005). In addition, the traditional image of rural
as a pastoral setting with conservative values, idyllic slower-paced lives, close-knit
communities with flourishing family
practices’ can be widely applied to contemporary family life that Morgan (1999 ) encourages social inquiry using this lens to stratify other areas of study. In the context of this study, this theoretical framework was used to guide the exploration of maternal imprisonment – from the caregiver’s perspective.
The research study
The empirical, qualitative study underpinning this book used in-depth interviews to explore the lives and perspectives of caregiving kin with first-hand experience of maternal imprisonment. The fieldwork was conducted across four female
their children single-handedly for a significant period of time become more engaged in child raising ( Meil, 2013 ; O’Brien and Wall, 2017 ), that does not necessarily translate into an egalitarian distribution of such responsibilities. A need is felt, therefore, to analyse unemployed fathers’ specific practices and subjective perceptions without unreflectingly assuming that sole caregivers necessarily acquire primary responsibility for child raising, which they then assimilate as their core activity and concern.
This article purports to analyse the extent to which
Demands of caregiving often lead to feelings of stress, fatigue and anxiety, which can lead to caregiver burnout.
Federal public policy and programmes for caregivers, as currently being delivered, fail to adequately meet the needs of caregivers in the Canadian context.
COVID-19 has impacted factors at all three socioecological levels to increase caregiver burden (that is, a negative impact on mental and physical health, a blunting of the creation of social capital, and the initiation of policies that have consequently increased social
Paying family caregivers:
evaluating different models
This chapter provides an overview of different models of financial
support for informal carers (that is, the kin and close friends) of older
people. These models reflect the institutional and cultural traditions
of the broader societies and welfare states of which they are a part.
Thus, the underlying logic, rationale and form of different models of
payment for informal care are shaped by wider welfare state institutional
and cultural traditions, and by beliefs about
by and shape particular spaces and places that range from local to global ( Milligan and Wiles, 2010 ). Similarly, Lawson (2008) argues that the way care is understood, experienced and practised is shaped by socio-economic and political contexts. McKie et al (2002) , while defining ‘caringscapes’, brought up two important points. First, caregiving is a social practice, is gendered and it is determined by the creative strategies of caregivers (largely women) in both professional and family settings ( Power, 2016 ; Williams and Sethi, 2020 ). Second, care should be
In recent global policy narratives, as well as in care legislation in a number of countries, the concept of ‘wellbeing’ has been invoked as a way to progress thinking about care arrangements. However, its conceptualisation is varied and often uncritical ( Gillett-Swan and Sargeant, 2015 ). The purpose of this article is to clarify the conceptualisation of wellbeing by presenting a multidimensional model. We illustrate its utility in relation to caregivers to older adults and provide evidence of poor wellbeing outcomes for family carers and for care workers in each