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In this chapter I set into motion a critical sociology of children’s leisure that frames my study of British Indian children’s leisure geographies. In doing so, I contend that long held adult-centric assumptions at the heart of leisure studies have resulted in the marginalisation of children within leisure theory. Similarly, childhood scholars working on leisure have failed to build bridges with leisure studies resulting in these two fields of research developing in mutual isolation. In response, I propose a critical sociological framework for unpacking

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by imagining its actualisation as a concrete reality. Both Furiosa’s desire to free the oppressed and Max’s reconstruction of his better self are enabled by the possibility of feminist statehood, which unites psychological wellbeing with political harmony. Radical feminism Michael Burawoy (2005 : 10) defines critical sociology in terms of its role, which is ‘to examine the foundations – both the explicit and the implicit, both normative and descriptive – of the research programs of professional sociology’. He traces its history through Robert Lynd

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A Perspective from the Global South

The idea of public sociology, as introduced by Michael Burawoy, was inspired by the sociological practice in South Africa known as ‘critical engagement’. This volume explores the evolution of critical engagement before and after Burawoy’s visit to South Africa in the 1990s and offers a Southern critique of his model of public sociology.

Involving four generations of researchers from the Global South, the authors provide a multifaceted exploration of the formation of new knowledge through research practices of co-production.

Tracing the historical development of ‘critical engagement’ from a Global South perspective, the book deftly weaves a bridge between the debates on public sociology and decolonial frameworks.

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be a mark of failure. The line between an appropriate and prudent concern with character and a discriminatory one likely to follow well-trodden lines of class, race and gender is rarely clear-cut. These are live areas for debate that people negotiate without certainty. Therefore, in order to get a full picture of what is going on, we need to go beyond observing the knot, the mess or our inevitable complicity, to attend to questions of justice ( Giraud, 2019 ). However, while the critical sociology of education often, following a version of Pierre Bourdieu

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’s health, and the differential distribution of health throughout that population, is more a function of the characteristics of a society than it is of a society’s health care system. Scambler continues by applying the tension between Burawoy’s (2005) ‘policy sociology’ and ‘critical sociology’ to health inequalities. He points out that the former is concerned with informing and promoting interventions to tackle health inequalities, while the latter is concerned with contextualising policies and interventions in terms of broader systemic and structural forces

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general – it is the entanglement of these values that makes it possible to make hyperbolic yet vague claims for this as the best form of education in every context. It is also a brief hop from the idea that this is the best imaginable sort of education to the belief that it attracts the best sort of applicants and produces the best sort of graduates. This conclusion begins with a discussion of plural values as at the heart of higher education today. Seeking to move beyond notions of unveiling within the critical sociology of education, which posit a fundamental

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into the discipline through political engagement. Public sociologists who see their primary goal as engaging the public with ideas will always be a minority in the discipline because of the reward structures that encourage ‘professional’ and ‘policy’ over ‘public’ and ‘criticalsociology (Burawoy, 2005 ). Traditional public sociologists who speak and write to the public based on their specialized knowledge emerge as scholars establish their credentials and careers close to the centre of the field. The kind of general interdisciplinary, normative, and best

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to provide evidence for his theory of social character by revisiting and refining the interpretive questionnaire method from the Weimar study in the late 1920s and early 1930s using Mexico as a case study. Second, he wanted to provide policy advice on local village development to different levels of government. In addition, he raised normative questions about existing theories of capitalist growth for what was then referred to as the Third World (Fromm and Maccoby, 1970 ; Maccoby and McLaughlin, 2020). The book was thus professional, policy and critical sociology

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is necessary and important. Pursuing a pedagogical register and the particular notion of the political that this entails, however, enables us to draw out a further facet of what is at stake in the digitisation of that relationship. From politicisation to depoliticisation While the apps do conform in many ways to the features identified in existing critiques of the parenting culture, they have affordances that analogue forms do not. This distinctiveness enables us to articulate a different perspective from that found in the critical sociological scholarship

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Introduction A spectre is haunting the world – the spectre of retrotopia. This would be a most fitting description of the message contained in internationally renowned sociologist Zygmunt Bauman’s last book – Retrotopia – published right after his death on 9 January 2017. In this book and several others, Bauman, as we shall see throughout this chapter, laid the foundation for a critical sociological diagnosis of the times – an age by him characterized as ‘liquid modernity’. When Bauman died, he was known to be one of the most widely read and discussed

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