Key message Intersectional praxis is driven by dual bridges: the bridges of coalition created by social movement actors; and the bridges of interventionist analytics operative in an intersectional-decolonial logic. This dual bridge model of intersectional praxis allows social movement actors to engage in productive coalitions that can effect formal political change, here in passage of multiple equality laws. Introduction In 2012, Uruguay became the second country in Latin America to decriminalise abortion. In 2013, it went on to legalise equal, or
occupied administrative buildings through sit-ins reminiscent of the Occupy Movement. Students used the occupied spaces as campus campaign centres, where they would invite regular speakers, hold workshops, and invite the university administration for meetings during the months of occupation. As part of their decolonial efforts, students at the University of Cape Town did more than just occupy the vice-chancellor’s office; they also renamed it Azania House. Similarly, at the University of Witwatersrand, the occupied student union building was popularly renamed after anti
. It also points to the power hierarchies that are deepened by a singular understanding of peace. Equally important, the conversation is driven by the need to highlight the language we use to talk about peace, understood in plural terms, that exists in the spaces from which we speak. Our discussions focus on two core themes: first is the significance of having perspectives from the Global South and the Global East in conversation; second is the possibility of understanding peace, and feminist peace in particular, from a decolonial perspective that can pluralize the
This book departs from the premise that the central obstacle to rethinking global ethics in the context of the pluriverse is modernity. While it is notable that critiques of modernity are plentiful, it is not always clear what, exactly, is meant by ‘modernity’. The purpose of this chapter is to present my particular understanding of modernity, which builds upon postcolonial and decolonial schools of thought. Importantly, this definition of modernity should not be thought of as universal or definitive. Instead, the definition of modernity developed here is a
on decolonial theory and combining critical non-profit and leadership studies, the research included observations, the gathering of artefacts and 13 interviews/conversations (individually and with groups) for six months. This study implemented a ‘research with’ approach using decolonising research methods and Indigenous methodologies ( Smith, 2013 ; Chilisa, 2019 ). Theorising about non-mainstream and subaltern civic leaders and non-profits can help us understand how what may be happening in non-profit organisations today has a connection with broader historical
Introduction A starting point for the chapter involves the theoretical argument that the concepts of the ‘global North’ and ‘South’ are not simply separable geographic terms. I prefer to tie the idea of a ‘Southern perspective’ directly to understanding colonialism and decoloniality and, following Mignolo (2011) , consider modernity and coloniality as two sides of the colonial matrix of power. Modernity is celebrated as development and progress and its institutions (including police) are promoted globally. Meanwhile, modernity’s effects (dispossession
This ground-breaking collection interrogates protest camps as sites of gendered politics and feminist activism.
Drawing on case studies that range from Cold War women-only peace camps to more recent mixed-gender examples from around the world, diverse contributors reflect on the recurrence of gendered, racialised and heteronormative structures in protest camps, and their potency and politics as feminist spaces.
While developing an intersectional analysis of the possibilities and limitations of protest camps, this book also tells new and inspiring stories of feminist organising and agency. It will appeal to feminist theorists and activists, as well as to social movement scholars.
, as ‘elsewhere’ and ‘other’, and the potential for fieldwork in contexts of crises or sustained and persistent conflict to reproduce a (neo)colonial othering. Centring researcher positionality and reflexivity through a politically engaged and relationally entangled (auto)ethnography, I seek to ground my research in decolonial and feminist ethics. I explore the possibilities of meeting this challenge by using methodologies which privilege dialogue, friendship, affect, and the co-creation of situated knowledges. I consider whether these are enough to justify further
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Drawing on decolonial perspectives on peace, statehood and development, this illuminating book examines post-liberal statebuilding in Central Asia. It argues that, despite its emancipatory appearance, post-liberal statebuilding is best understood as a set of social ordering mechanisms that lead to new forms of exclusion, marginalization and violence.
Using ethnographic fieldwork in Southern Kyrgyzstan, the volume offers a detailed examination of community security and peacebuilding discourses and practices. Through its analysis, the book highlights the problem with assumptions about liberal democracy, modern statehood and capitalist development as the standard template for post-conflict countries, which is widespread and rarely reflected upon.
This book rethinks meritocracy as a form of coloniality, namely, a social imaginary that reproduces narratives of ethnic and racial difference between European centres and peripheries, and between Europe and its others.
Drawing on interviews with working and middle class, white and Black Italians who moved to Britain after the 2008 economic crisis, the book explores the narratives of Northern meritocracy and Southern backwardness that inform migrants’ motivations for moving abroad, and how these narratives are experienced within classed, racialised and gendered migrations.
Connecting decolonial theory with the sociology of Pierre Bourdieu, this book provides innovative insights into the relationships between meritocracy, coloniality and European whiteness, and into the social stratification of EU migrations.
