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contentions and to offer some suggestions on the way forward. It is not our intention to argue against regulation or registration per se; rather, we seek to reorient debates around the problems and contradictions inherent in current regulatory regimes. We use the dynamic model of Hegel’s dialectic to highlight the points of contradiction that lead to change, based not on substitution but on transcendence. Elsewhere, in a parallel article, we have demonstrated the efficacy of Hegelian thinking in making sense of social work professionals’ sense of identity in relation to

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Introduction One characteristic of the relationship between education and development in Central America and the Latin Caribbean (CALC) is its dialectical nature. Although research on the region rarely speaks to this characteristic (see Chapter 1 ), it is clearly evident when looking across the cases presented in this volume. By dialectical nature, I am referring, first, to the reality that education helps to resolve or reduce tensions between the state and capitalism (as was first discussed in Chapter 2 ) and, second, to the fact that the ways in which

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105 SIX The ‘Dialectics of War’ in Criminology Introduction In the Introduction it was noted that the work of Clausewitz ([1832]1997) depicted war in rationalist terms as a violent entitlement of the state, to be used without limit against an ‘enemy’ for political ends. However, in what has followed Kaldor’s (2014) interpretation of this as an old mode of warfare has been reinterpreted to illustrate that throughout the 20th and 21st centuries war can be understood as a dynamic social phenomenon which has changed into new forms. Importantly, from the

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states that are permeated by what we call an ‘ethos of privatization’; and (c) the implications of these two factors when considered dialectically with the findings of this chapter on how/why the privatization of education in Honduras and the Dominican Republic has evolved in recent decades. Our goal in, first, characterizing LFPS trends and, second, analysing their implications in the ways just described is to produce insights that complement the focus of the present volume on the global-local dynamics that drive education reform in Central America and the Latin

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grapple with how to respond to the tensions that affect the region. As will be seen, this section of the chapter takes a decolonial orientation. The last section of the chapter then offers concluding commentary on contributions of the present volume as well as the new gaps that have become evident in process of filling old ones. Within and beyond the dialectic of global capitalism The CALC region is a hotbed of education reform. This is not surprising as education in this region (and all world regions) is one of the key avenues available to governments for

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neglected Bhaskar’s later, more mature, development of CR, as rendered in his second-wave iteration, termed ‘dialectical critical realism’ (DCR). Bhaskar’s aim in DCR was to remedy inconsistencies, gaps and anomalies within CR in order to put the theorisation of dialectical change on a firmer philosophical footing. In this article, I respond to this gap in the social work literature by summarising what I understand to be the core messages emanating from within the DCR thesis, that is, its ideas concerning transformative change in the social world once dialectical

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93 SIX Paradoxes of democracy: the dialectic of inclusion and exclusion Marina Calloni The aim of this chapter is to challenge the concept of citizenship in the light of the main paradox of politics and democracy, consisting of the dialectic of inclusion and exclusion within a delimited territory. A reconstruction of the recent debate on social citizenship, multiculturalism and cosmopolitanism – which refers to the transformation of the welfare state, the process of European unification and the effects of globalisation – allows for the reconceptualising of the

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paid attention to the performative power of political leaders, ( Mast, 2012 ; Alexander and Jaworsky, 2014 ; Villegas, 2020 ) and considered icons as unifying forces ( Ghosh, 2011 ; Olesen, 2015 ; Prestholdt, 2019 ). This article, however, introduces the concept of ‘dialectic icons’ to emphasise their divisive potential and how they can catalyse ephemeral collective emotions into feelings of in-group solidarity and out-group hostility ( Collins, 2004 ; Bar-Tal et al, 2007 ). It starts by outlining theoretical affinities between cultural sociology and the

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33 THREE Moralising discourse and the dialectical formation of class identities: the social reaction to ‘chavs’ in Britain Elias le Grand Introduction They are the non-respectable working-classes: the dole- scroungers, petty criminals, football hooligans and teenage pram-pushers. (Lewis, 2004). Since the early 2000s, the ‘chav’ has become a widely spread stereotype, well-institutionalised into British public and everyday discourse (le Grand, 2013). The term is tied to strong forms of hostility and moral- aesthetic distinction, and commonly applied to white

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mechanical, paying insufficient attention to tension-ridden iterative feedback loops that can best be described as dialectical processes. As a result of mechanistic interpretations, black and white images of China’s potential effects on the international order have dominated. Dichotomous scenarios – China aims to undermine if not destroy the American-led liberal international order ( Pompeo, 2020 ) or, conversely, will assimilate as a ‘responsible stakeholder’ ( Zoellick, 2005 ) – are too simplistic to capture the complexities of China’s rise. From the point of view of

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