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63 FOUR ‘We are hustlers’ – relationship with drugs As discussed in the previous chapter, The Boys sold illegal drugs and this chapter examines how they would go about their drug dealing [hustling]. Selling drugs was a risky business, so in order to evade detection from the police The Boys had to go about trading them discreetly. Drug dealing also involved shrewdness, activity in many ways being similar to running a business. This meant buying drugs as cheaply as possible and then trying to sell them on to make maximum profit, and this chapter examines

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21 2 Drug Trafficking The nature and extent of the harm Drug trafficking is considered to be the largest revenue generator globally among the variety of transnational criminal markets (Reuter 2014), and despite the huge criminal justice infrastructure aimed at reducing drug trafficking, the problem is getting worse. The number of people using drugs worldwide was estimated by the World Drug Report to be 30 per cent higher in 2019 than it was 10 years earlier, in 2009 (UNODC 2019). Globally, 11 million people injected drugs in 2017, while 271 million people

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143 Part 3 Chapter Three‘Therapeutic’ drugs As a student of medical care looking at therapeutics, I move in a world inhabited more by speculative thought and empirical social studies than by experimental science, quantitative measurement, and controlled trials in the laboratory and the hospital. This means that I shall have to take a broader definition of the word ‘drugs’ than a scientist might and a wider interpretation of what we mean by ‘our society’. I shall also have to draw attention to the fact that human beings do not (and cannot) live by drugs alone

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75 4 Drugs, cultural change and drug markets Photo 7: Raul finalising his heroin injection 76 Dead-end lives In his chabola, Raul moves around, picking at his scarred face; he takes a cigarette with blood stains on it out of his pocket, lights it up and furiously sucks what he can from it before realising that Daniel is not the man from the media which he accused him of the other day. He holds out his scabby blood-stained hands and clasps his, saying “lo siento amigo” (“I’m sorry friend”). Raul is 38 and estimates half of his life he has taken “this shit

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113 6 Recreational Drugs Policy Much of this book has been arguing that government has reneged on its responsibility to its citizens by claiming, in the name of liberty, that they need to take responsibility for what happens to them. I have maintained that, generally speaking, citizens cannot be held responsible for many of the bad social outcomes which we witness in society today. Individuals can only be held responsible for the choices they make given the situation in which they find themselves. Government is largely responsible for their situation. I

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Policy & Politics vol 28 no 4 563 Just say no? Drugs, politics and the UK National Health Service Ruth McDonald English Over recent decades, UK government attitudes towards the pharmaceutical industry have been ambivalent, reflecting the conflicting aims of controlling drug expenditure and maintaining a strong pharmaceutical industry. Policy can best be characterised as a careful balancing act, with indirect regulation leaving drug producers free to set prices. However, recent policy developments suggest a shift towards a more directly interventionist approach

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Defining rural drug use and public health Research has shown that the burden of alcohol and other drug (AOD) use increases with remoteness. The majority of research on rural drug use and harm emanates from the United States, where there has been a clearly documented opioid overdose epidemic in recent times and previous research on other drugs that historically have affected rural populations (see Schalkoff et al, 2020; Thomas et al, 2020). There are distinctive features of rural environments that shape the risk of drug-related harms. Economic, physical

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143 6 Gangs and Drug Supply Before proceeding with the aims, purpose and intent of this chapter, it is perhaps important to briefly recap on the developments of Part III of the book as a whole so far. Chapter 4 began by proposing a gang typology, previously outlined in a succinct way in Chapter 3, which most accurately reflected the majority of, although by no means all, gangs operating in Scotland’s criminal markets, particularly the illegal drug market. Gang typology was conceptualised as existing on an evolving continuum, whereby gang organisation

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Introduction Of all of the social problems associated with crime and justice, perhaps none occupies space on the registers of visual culture like the problem of drugs. Long a central site and locus of criminological inquiry, drugs and the related issues they give rise to have always been essential characters in the drama of crime and justice, and those dramas largely play themselves out in the field of the visual image. From the menacing image of the crazed marijuana user immortalized in the film Reefer Madness (1936) to contemporary visual productions

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77 FIVE Drugs and masculinity This is the view from one of the main dealing spots. Several streets cross and there are always customers passing by. Here The River dealers were also using their drugs, a practice interwoven in the young men’s masculinity constructions. It was, for example, important not to be regarded as ‘dependent’. Drug competence Most of the young men at The River grew up in Norway and started smoking cannabis with their peers in their early teens. The initiation into cannabis use was a rite of passage; it signified the end of childhood. It

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