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James M. Buchanan Department of Economics, George Mason University, 4400 University Drive, Fairfax, Virginia 22030 -USA Taxpayer Apathy, Institutional Inertia, and Economic Growth* Abstract - This paper analyzes the difference in taxpayers's attitudes toward fiscal politics dur­ ing the 1970s - early 1980s, a period dominated by «taxpayer revolt», and those observed in the late 1990s, when taxpayers show an apparent state of apathy. The answer is that taxpayers where unhappy in the late 1970s and early 1980s because their effective real incomes were being

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Introduction What can policy do to increase local economic growth? This is a question that has challenged decision makers and academics for decades. It’s also a fundamental question today, when the UK government has made economic growth one of its priorities – in the face of a decade of slower growth and tight budgets. Research and evaluation have a crucial role to play in providing answers and increasing the effectiveness of policy making. Unfortunately, making sense and making use of the evidence is not easy, especially for those tasked with delivering

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In contemporary societies across the world, as well as in global governance frameworks, economic growth is seen as a precondition to solving societal problems, including inequality, ecological degradation and other grand challenges. Within the Sustainable Development Goals adopted by the United Nations too, economic growth is seen as one of the universal goals to be aimed for. In comparison to the Millennium Development Goals preceding them, which ‘focused on improving well-being in the developing world, the 17 SDGs address all countries and aim at reconciling

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and energy consumption. While they acknowledge the need for efficiency improvements, their core argument is that efficiency improvements by themselves will not suffice to solve the ecological crises we are facing. However, discussions about limits to consumption immediately meet opposition in the political realm, that is, among political representatives, employers’ associations and corporate lobbies alike. Specifically, opponents claim that we simply cannot afford a scaling back of consumption and the economic growth it is supposed to drive due to the growth

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Growth for the sake of growth has been criticized at least since the publication of the Limits to Growth report in the 1970s. What are the reasons for the continued sacralization of economic growth and the disregarding of degrowth arguments in the SDGs? Chertkovskaya: Economic growth has been promoted for decades as a solution to all sorts of societal problems, and this way of thinking will take time to desacralize. The logic of growth is at the core of some of the most powerful institutions in society: corporations, states and international

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229 TEN Inclusive economic growth for health equity: in search of the elusive evidence Guillem López-Casasnovas and Laia Maynou Introduction It has to be true. Inclusive growth, less unequal wealth creation, better- distributed incomes ‘must’ lead to more health and health equity (certainly the growing evidence is persuasive; see Wilkinson and Pickett, 2009). But as we will see in this chapter, to test this affirmative sequence, with all the assumed linkages, proves to be very difficult. This has to do with, on one hand, the issue of reverse causality (in

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. On the bright side, there are also positive processes such as the discussion on target-setting for material consumption by the European Parliament. Lorek: I’m happy that sustainable production and consumption was formulated as its own goal but, nevertheless, it is too deeply influenced by systemic flaws. They talk about efficiency and reduction, but there are no measurement criteria or benchmarks for resource consumption reduction. And as long as economic growth stays a central goal, the issue of rebound effects prevails and the chance to achieve sustainable

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expansion that the capitalist world economy had ever experienced. In the 1930s neither the friends nor the enemies of capitalism could envisage a new period of sustained expansion. The ideologies of left and right were starkly opposed. Even those, like Keynes, who believed there were better ways to manage capitalism to avoid under-employment of resources did not foresee an early return to economic growth. The key economic and political question was mass unemployment and whether it should be blamed on workers’ resistance to wage cuts, on the capitalist organisation of

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run up to the 2011 uprisings,” a diagnosis that can be extended to other countries in the region. Hanieh (2015) places IFI loans, their related debt, and their impact on economic and social questions such as unemployment at the heart of the uprising in Tunisia. Noueihed and Warren (2012) note that the job creation that did take place in the region prior to 2011 favoured older workers and expatriates, largely bypassing the region’s youth. As has been the case in sub-Saharan Africa ( Prince 2014 ), economic growth as measured by increases in gross domestic

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Abdiweli M. Ali James M. Buchanan Center for Political Economy, George Mason University, Fairfax, Virginia 22030, Usa W. Mark Crain* James M. Buchanan Center for Political Economy, George Mason University, Fairfax, Virginia 22030, Usa Political Regimes, Economic Freedom, Institutions and Growth Abstract - The impact of political systems on economic growth cannot be understood solely in terms of a simple distinction between democratic and non-democratic regimes. The de­ mocratic character of the political regime may be irrelevant when economic freedom is as

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