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; Meatto 2019 ). Certain bodies are, in Galton’s (1874) terms, identified as ‘undesirables’ ( Kevles 1999 ), and thus in Gramscian ( 1971 ) terms, rendered ‘subaltern’. While education debates and policy goals are inflected with notions of aspiration and achievement, it is the case that education reforms actually set out to waste the economic, political and cultural potential of citizens through exclusionary policies where in order for the few to succeed, the majority of children, families, and communities, are required to experience either the fear or actuality of

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Introduction As noted in the introductory chapter to this volume, Central America is a region about which comparatively little academic literature is produced that focuses on the political-economic dynamics that constrain education reform. However, one research project stands out as an exception. This research project, carried out from 2018 to 2022 by a network of researchers from the region, 1 was entitled ‘Quality Education in Central America: Dynamics and Tensions among Models of Education and Development’. It brought together scholars from four Central

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75 FIVE Corporate elites and higher education reform: the corporatisation of academic life in Indonesia Nurdiana Gaus and David Hall Introduction The past few decades have witnessed a rapid growth in the power and influence of corporate elites in higher education linked to a notion of education in general that foregrounds its economic importance (Giroux, 2003) and, as such, is intimately associated with a human capital theory of education. The influence of corporate elites and a concomitant heightened economic role for higher education is nowhere more

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Introduction This chapter concerns itself with three tasks: first, to depict some key historical and regional dynamics in Central America from a political economy perspective; second, to contextualize education reform in relation to international political-economic forces affecting the region; and, third, to outline the framework that informs the analysis and commentary presented in subsequent chapters. In attending to these tasks, the purpose is not only to provide essential background context relevant to all the chapters in this volume, but also to make

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145 12 There are alternatives The end of an era The educational policies discussed in this book are often described as constituting a distinctive era in which the principles of market liberalism have framed and structured education systems and practices around the world, often in tandem with social and cultural conservatism. A broad political consensus, within and between countries, has supported the development of market-driven systems characterised by standards-based education reforms, test-based accountability, reduced teacher autonomy, and back

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international spread of fundamentalist Christianity and its effects on education ( Rose and Brouwer, 1990 ); d) the politics of higher education reform during the Cold War ( Feldman, 1989 ; Mason et al, 2001 ; Harrington, 2009 ); e) the political-institutional dynamics of Central American ministries of education ( Lourié, 1989 ); f) the role of international organizations during the 1980s ( Archer, 1994 ; Bujazán et al, 1987 ), with a focus on the effect of the armed conflicts ( Graham-Brown, 1991 ) and the economic reforms required by international financial

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this tension is resolved repeatedly creates new opportunities for a range of international actors to insert themselves into education reform dynamics in the region. Involvement by these actors, together with counterparts from state agencies, then proceeds – typically while ignoring or without input from teachers, students, and families – until a new crisis emerges, at which point the cycle repeats itself. The purpose of the present chapter is, first, to make the aforementioned dialectical dynamics clear, which are summarized in Figure 15.1 . Second, and relatedly

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their time for non-teaching tasks, often related to school accountability and to centrally driven policy reforms. In England, studies from the 1990s onwards – after the Education Reform Act 1988 (see Chapter 6) – have reported a steady erosion of teachers’ long-standing autonomy over learning and the curriculum in favour of more ‘technician-type’ roles, ‘delivering’ predefined subject content and learning outcomes, and demonstrating their compliance and effectiveness (Dadds, 1997; Ball, 2003b; Stevenson, 2007). In Australia, even prior to the introduction of

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NPM and cultures of performativity marshalled through data monitoring, and inspection. Finnish policy maker Pasi Sahlberg (2012, 2015), has described a Global Education Reform Movement (GERM) characterised by standardised teaching and learning, a focus on literacy and numeracy, teaching a prescribed curriculum, market-oriented reforms, and test-based accountability and control – the mistakes described in Chapters 6, 7 and 8. A second important change is upscaling of decision making within countries – sometimes described as centralisation. As noted in

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grapple with how to respond to the tensions that affect the region. As will be seen, this section of the chapter takes a decolonial orientation. The last section of the chapter then offers concluding commentary on contributions of the present volume as well as the new gaps that have become evident in process of filling old ones. Within and beyond the dialectic of global capitalism The CALC region is a hotbed of education reform. This is not surprising as education in this region (and all world regions) is one of the key avenues available to governments for

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