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This chapter discusses how elites in the Duterte administration (2016 onwards) have carved out new state spaces amid intensified US–China geostrategic competition and the expansion of the BRI in the Philippines. While observers argue that Duterte represents a distinct ‘pro-China’ faction, this chapter instead suggests that the country’s recent shifts in foreign economic policy are the result of competing political, economic, and military coalitions that collectively underpin a convoluted geopolitical approach towards US and China. Beyond Duterte’s immediate role, this account draws attention to a broader constellation of actors and conflicts behind the country’s management of the BRI and geopolitics in general. In the context of US–China competition, Philippine elites are pursuing longstanding political, economic, and spatial objectives through state restructuring. The first case in the chapter illustrates how Philippine economic managers shifted their infrastructure strategy from a market-oriented approach leaning heavily on public–private partnerships (PPPs) to a hybridized usage of PPPs and foreign funding. The second case shows that elites within the Philippine military, particularly the Coast Guard, leveraged Duterte’s (d)alliance with China to expand their jurisdiction and capacity. In sum, the chapter illustrates that host states restructure in the context of US–China competition in accordance with the interests of elite coalitions, illustrating the heterogeneity of powers and interests in the host country.

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Key messages The different elite political actors need very different types of communication. Researchers must actively engage in interactions with intermediaries if research is more likely to reach decision-makers. Many different actors, institutions and micro-interactions are involved in exchanging research results with policy makers. We recommend research institutions to adopt complementary strategies that address diverse needs and employ both direct and indirect communication approaches. Background Evidence from occupational safety and

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’ behind political behaviours and decision making. So far this book has analysed unique data on the basic values of UK politicians to demonstrate that they are psychologically distinct from one another, the general public and their electors. However, public dissatisfaction with British politics often reduces to internalized preconceptions about the immorality or corruption of MPs’ political behaviour (Bowler and Karp, 2004 ; Allen and Birch, 2015b ). In order to understand (a) how MPs interpret and respond to the formal and informal institutions of elite politics and

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This chapter focuses on the media as another critical actor in Colombian society and explores the power of the media in shaping policy agendas and discourse. It stresses how the media is a relevant topic of exploration in Colombia given the history of major media outlets being owned by elite political families or having other strong connections with political parties. It also examines the extent to which journalists rely on both technical and political sources. The chapter illustrates how policy-relevant information is processed by the media. It argues that public policy journalism in Colombia is in its fledgling stage and that it is more complex than traditional political journalism mainly based on testimonies and media archives.

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This chapter argues that the realities of civil–military relations in Vietnam defy the Western models that dominate the literature. The control architecture underlying this relationship is based on the mutual embeddedness of the military and the Communist Party. While the Party exerts political control over the military, the military’s participation and influence in elite politics and policymaking are not only legitimate but also an integral part of the architecture. The chapter explicates the architecture of Vietnam’s civil–military relations and charts the military’s influence in politics since the Third Indochina War. It shows that, paradoxically, military conflict is not the only and not even the main reason for a surge in the military’s influence in Vietnamese politics and foreign policy after the Cold War. The military gained more influence because it assumed a major political role. While the military’s influence has been on the wane recently, the Party’s control continues to prevail over the trends of commercialization and professionalization.

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instability derives from attempt by communal groups to either overthrow the incumbent regime, or severe their relation­ ship with the present state and join another state or form their own sove­ reignty. Mass instability usually results from attempts by mass groups to overthrow the political leadership in the country [MORRISON and STEVEN­ SON, 1971; McGOWAN and JOHNSON, 1984; MBAKU, 1988; SANDERS, 1981]. In this article we shall use several variables to proxy political instability. Elite political instability can be indexed by the number of coups, unsuc­ cessful coups

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, Agreeableness and Extraversion than the American population (Hanania, 2017 ), whilst Nørgaard and Klemmensen ( 2018 ) find that Danish MPs score higher for Extraversion, Emotional Stability (the inverse of Neuroticism), Conscientiousness and Agreeableness than their compatriots. Taken together, these studies testify to a process of psychological self-selection to elite politics in a number of western liberal democracies. In particular, politics as a vocation appears to attract people who are energetic, assertive and action-oriented (Extraversion). However, comparable

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home by a man and his wife in their sixties. This became a regular stopover on my daily walks through the city. I introduced myself as a Finnish researcher, who had an interest in discussing and understanding the peace brokered by the former Finnish president, not from the point of view of elite politics or celebratory remembrance days but rather, from the perspective of those written out of the formal narratives of peace 180 Experiences in researching conflict and violence (Jauhola, 2016a, b). I never conducted structured interviews; I even hesitated to ask

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examining agency in ambiguous contexts such as elite politics. Basic values also provide social justification for choices and behaviour in a way that traits, attitudes and intelligence do not (Sagiv and Roccas, 2017 , p 5). Basic values are used to convey legitimacy on behaviours and can, given their trans-situational quality, be used to justify two normatively opposing choices in relation to one problem (eg Kurz et al, 2010 ). In seeking to explain why politicians act in contradictory ways, how they seek to justify their decisions to electors, or even how they

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. If women politicians are, as indicated here, more significantly outside the normal distribution for women in the population (psychologically) than their colleagues in historically dominant groups (that is, men), then Dovi’s criteria for group representation raise important questions about the inequalities of political recruitment to the UK Parliament. This research does not in any way seek to undermine the advances made in gender equality in elite politics, but rather to highlight how much more needs to be done in this area of policy and scholarship. As discussed

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