contemporary critical theory. Specifically, we intend to show how modern empire-building formed long-standing connections and affinities between dispossession and difference, in a way that shaped societies. For a broad conception of security that is concerned with socioeconomic inequalities, segregation, environmental damage and food supply, as well as multiple forms of political violence, we suggest that unveiling the entanglements between dispossession and difference might be a promising path. The third section describes empirical instances in which such entanglements can
offers a specific context to pose questions about forced migrants as tools in empire-building (see also Chapter 2 , on this theme). When does a refugee become a settler? How might we understand indigeneity in a multi-ethnic, multi-religious, land-based empire? How do categories of settler, colonist and indigenous persons fluctuate in an empire under threat of displacement? To explore these questions, this chapter will first take a tour through Ottoman immigration policy. This is necessarily a birds-eye view, involving a flattening among individuals and groups that had
goals and institutions in the South and defined the larger battles of the purpose of both school curricula and the larger aims of education as schooling expanded for Blacks and the need for Black teachers increased. England: teacher education, social class and empire In England, teacher education has also always been linked to projects of nation- and empire-building. Against the background of increasing industrialisation and consequential changes in social class relations, teacher education has also been closely associated with professionalisation and the role of
A period of intense inter-European rivalry and military contest had come to an end in the mid-19th century, leaving Britain and France to pursue empire-building with relative ease. Economic globalization gave them a strong reason for doing so. A definition of globalization is helpful to understand why imperialists were keen to extend their influence overseas. 1 A basic definition – unprecedented growth in the scale of trade between 1820 and 1920 – is useful but insufficient. No doubt British export of manufactures formed a significant part of the growth of
of particular feeling rules about social work is again highlighted, but this time it is a social work to be feared for its omnipotence rather than ridiculed for its impotence. Finally, it is suggested that paranoia about social work interventions is bound up with a deep suspicion of the local authority as a state mechanism, which is viewed as corrupt and instinctively inclined towards ‘empire building’. According to this framing rule, thresholds of risk are not applied in the interests of children but instead reflect the pursuit of financial incentives and
dealing with. The VCS could also make big claims about a cooperative ethos and shared values, yet organisational survival and empire building are now perhaps some of the few ‘shared commitments’ left. There was an inevitability to this, for in the long term there was no reason why the sector would be spared the competition, monopolisation, predation, centralisation, exploitation and the ‘commodification and commercialization of everything’ (Harvey, 2002 , 107; see also Harvey, 2005 ; Harvey, 2012 ), which comes with neoliberalism. The trend towards monopolisation and
ago, these qualities would have sufficed to indicate elite status, but in a policy context where advantage accrues to those who demonstrate the capacity and ambition to lead multi-academy trusts, Phil is obliged to acknowledge his (and his school’s) subaltern status through joining Sykes’ teaching-school alliance. 182 Corporate elites and the reform of public education Phil is suspicious of powerful, charismatic MAT CEOs, describing them as ‘doing a little bit of empire-building’, with questions about whether the ‘over-riding moral purpose is … to improve the
resources. Colonisation is therefore a form of empire-building ( Lichtheim, 1971 ; Young, 1995 Gathii, 2007 ; Roy, 2008 ) – for example, Bryce views ancient Rome and Britain as part of the ‘European branch of mankind’ who created a ‘new sort of unity’ in the World by ‘annexing the rest of the Earth’ ( 1914 : 2). Imperial power was successfully used by Europeans to ‘unite mankind’, effecting a positive change in the annexed states. Bryce argues that non-European empires, including those of ancient Egypt, Assyria and the ‘Mogul monarchy’, were not comparable to Britain
acts of resistance against state co-option, the ‘chasing-the-money’ culture and the ethos that prioritises organisational survival and empire building. In some instances, this will involve making a ‘cost-benefit analysis’ on a case-by-case basis, with organisations choosing to refuse a particular funder or contract if they feel it would overly compromise their independence or ways of working with their service users. For example, one interviewee explained that their organisation took a stand against becoming agents in a project which, in their view, was more
from the Global South experience the globalisation of capitalism and its colonial empire building in a manner different from the people in the Global North. If social work is to intervene today in environments where social problems are systemically embedded, it is inevitable that reference has to be made to our shared colonial past ( Harrison and Melville, 2010: 19 ). Postcolonial analysis traces the genealogy of hunger from the period of imperial conquest to our current neoliberal global order. From here, the social work profession must be an ally to revolutionary
